德国政党体制的变迁

德国政党体制正在发生深远变革，铁杆选民对政党的传统归属感下降。社会结构的变化导致政党纷纷调整战略，政治主张更多是围绕当下具体的政策领域而非传统的政治理念，政治主张有交叉和部分趋同趋势，政党间政治结盟的流动性和不确定性增大。     

"统一俄罗斯"党的理论与实践评析

"统一俄罗斯"党目前是俄国第一大党。它自称人民党,是代表俄罗斯全民族利益的政党。它的思想基础是"政治中派主义",宣称采取介于左翼和右翼之间的中间立场;反对"政治激进主义",主张"保守主义";对苏联历史在批判其消极因素的同时肯定其积极成果;全面支持普京总统的路线政策;主张建立强有力的国家,保护人权和生态环境;要求把温和的自由主义与俄罗斯的传统价值观结合起来;外交上支持普京总统推行多边务实政策。俄国政党制度目前虽然保持多党制形式,实际上出现了一党独大的格局。"统一俄罗斯"党与普京总统结盟使它的影响迅速扩大,但也造成了对总统的高度依赖性,出现了"强势总统、弱势政党"的局面。     

腐败问题与印尼执政党的更迭

印尼执政党的更迭与腐败有着密切的关系.本文通过对比研究苏哈托和梅加瓦蒂执政期间腐败与反腐的基本特征及其对政党执政的影响,总结了印尼执政党在反腐方面的经验教训.     

当代西方政党组织形态变化述评

为适应社会发展,特别是政治生活的新变化,政党内部人员、技术和结构等诸要素结成的有机系统就会出现显著的变化。政党组织对内外环境变化做出整体调适的结果被称作政党组织形态的变化。西方政党自出现以来,其组织形态始终伴随工业化和现代化的进程不断变化,相继出现过核心型政党、大众型政党和全方位党。进入后工业社会以来,由于社会生活主题和社会资本的变化,以及信息网络技术的迅猛发展,西方政党正面临着新的组织转型。本文在对未来西方政党可能变化的组织形态作了初步考察和分析的基础上着重指出:政党作为介于社会与国家之间的社会团体,它的自身形态变化始终取决于包括目的、方式和技术手段变化在内的社会交往的变化。     

英国工党的社会政策解读——观念变化与政策变迁

英国的福利国家是多重政治力量和思想妥协的一个产物,汇聚了不同的观念和政策。同时它也是一个变化的体系。不同政治力量围绕平等、分配和国家的观念分歧及其变化决定了实际政策选择范围和结果。作为该体系的主要缔造者,英国工党有关福利国家的观念直接影响了英国社会政策的演变。这种变化、多元的视角是我们理解英国工党社会政策的基本前提。     

欧洲执政绿党:政策与政治影响

通过对欧盟国家 1 995-2 0 0 3年间形成的五个绿党执政联盟的比较分析 ,可以看出 ,绿党作为全国性联盟政府中的弱小伙伴 ,只带来了生态环境相关议题领域的某些局部性和渐进的政策变化 ,而且必须为此经常做出广泛的、甚至包括环境政策方面的政治与政策妥协 ,而兑现其竞选政策主张或维持其执政地位的需要 ,使绿党继续舍弃其最初运动化的或选择性的政党结构 ,而逐步接近于一个职业化、集权化的选举性政党 ,尽管它们作为生态政党的绿色政治形象短期内没有也不会发生根本性改变。     

德国福利国家的自我校正

经过二战后的黄金发展阶段,德国福利国家模式曾被普遍认为是成功的经济和就业政策的代名词。但20世纪90年代以来,由于经济增长疲软、失业率不断增加,德国模式受到质疑。在全球化和欧洲一体化的外部压力以及国内经济和社会结构转型的内部压力下,具有传统社会保护色彩的德国福利国家模式正在通过进行现代化改革,从困境中寻求新出路。本文将剖析德国福利国家所面临的内外挑战,探讨德国福利国家进行自我校正的内容和方法以及校正过程中利益相关者之间的利益冲突,在此基础上对德国福利国家自我校正的发展方向做出判断。     

执政党领导力与后发国家在全球价值链中的位移——基于对印度尼西亚的过程追踪研究

后发国家在全球价值链中的地位各不相同。文章假设这一现象的国内政治根源在于执政党对国家的领导效能，并以印度尼西亚为案例，对执政党领导力如何影响后发国家在全球价值链中的地位进行研究。印尼专业集团党内部的威权结构阻碍该国对全球价值链的深度融入；民主党通过内外政策弥补领导力的相对不足，带领该国吸纳外资并实现快速升级；民主斗争党领导力由弱变强，通过基础设施建设畅通生产要素循环，但碍于连任压力升级进程又趋放缓。文章通过对案例的过程追踪发现，执政党内部领导力取决于政党的中央权力结构，影响党内决策的科学性与民主性；执政党外部领导力取决于执政联盟的大小与政党代表性，决定政党意志上升为国家政策及贯彻实施的效率。前者通过顶层设计奠定国家对生产要素的配置方向，后者通过政治过程决定政府对要素流转的调控效率，两者分别从意愿与能力维度影响一国生产要素的国际分工投入，进而导致国家全球价值链地位的变动。运用执政党领导力视角分析一国在全球价值链中的位移，可为后发国家利用政党政治克服后发劣势和推动经济转型升级提供镜鉴。     

东南亚的政党与国家

当欧洲的封建王朝承认其领土内拥有共同文化和历史的人民可以自组国家的时候,政党就变得日益重要。这些政党尽管代表不同的利益集团,但都致力于把自己的国家建设得更加富裕、强大和统一。随着英国、法国、荷兰等帝国势力的撤退,这一模式被带到世界其他地方。在东南亚,帝国势力撤退后留下的国家既没有共同文化也没有相似历史,因此,许多由当地政治领袖创建的政党就试图利用国家机器来建构民族国家。本文主要考察这种"引进"的民族国家模式在东南亚如何催生各种各样的政党,这些政党又为何需要强大的国家来塑造未来的民族。各种经验表明,在民族国家中能发挥影响力的政党,对正努力将自己看作新生民族的人们及其生活,可能起着分化与破坏作用。     

现代政治文明与俄罗斯的"无执政党政治"

在整个20世纪里,俄罗斯的政治生活一直处于政党政治极不健全的状态中,"无执政党的政治"是其最真实的写照,也是20世纪俄罗斯政党制度的最重要特征.现代俄罗斯的政党制度,是在现代政治文明和国内危机的双重压力下产生的.本文试图通过对20世纪沙皇俄罗斯和苏联时期的俄罗斯两个时期政党制度的简单描述,从历史分析中寻找今日俄罗斯政党政治发展的历史轨迹.     

Wedge Politics and Welfare Reform in Australia

The election of the Howard Government has marked a paradigm shift in welfare policy with the implementation of far reaching reforms around the concept of mutual obligation. At the same time, there has been media speculation about the Government's use of 'wedge politics' to sustain its political agenda with respect to welfare and other policies. Wedge politics, however, is yet to receive detailed analysis in Australian political science. We define wedge politics to be a calculated political tactic aimed at using divisive social issues to gain political support, weaken opponents and strengthen control over the political agenda. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold: to develop a definition of wedge politics and to investigate how the Howard Government's welfare reform agenda might be understood as an example of such politics, drawing out its longer-term implications.     

Democracy and Social Welfare in Uruguay and Paraguay

This article aims to assess how democracy affects social welfare by analyzing Uruguay and Paraguay, one country with a vibrant democratic history and a progressive political landscape, the other with a generally authoritarian past and a conservative dominant party. The article maintains that welfare systems in these countries have been critically shaped by the impact of democracy, or by its absence, and by the strategies adopted by major social and political actors, especially parties; these strategies have been determined, in turn, by parties' ideologies and by the workings of electoral competition. The article also emphasizes that the impact of democracy on social welfare is critically mediated by the role of previous welfare legacies, the presence of welfare constituencies defending acquired rights and privileges, and social and economic variables, such as overall wealth levels, the formal or informal nature of labor markets, and the political organization of domestic economies.     

From Positive Neutrality to Partisanship: How and Why the Armenian Political Parties Took Sides in Lebanese Politics in the Post-Taif Period (1989–Present)

This article examines the policy of the Armenian political parties in Lebanon in light of the Taif agreement in 1989 that ended the Lebanese civil war and granted the Armenian community more political rights. The Armenian parties (Dashnak, Hunchak and Ramgavar) in the post-Taif period were obliged to abandon the policy of positive neutrality that they adopted from 1975 to 1989, and took sides with various Lebanese parties to protect the communal interests that the consociational structure of the state had allowed them. However, the Armenian parties were not united over the goal of maintaining the Armenian bloc inside parliament. As they chose different policies to pursue communal interests they took sides with the ruling majority and the anti-government opposition. The Armenians were criticized by some Christian politicians for their partisanship and were expected to maintain their traditional neutrality in Lebanese politics. It is very likely that the Armenians will return to their neutral policy and support the President and the government once their group rights are protected.     

Welfare State Restructuring without Grand Coalitions: The Role of Informal Cooperation in Blame Avoidance

This article argues that welfare state restructuring, which is highly unpopular among voters, is politically feasible if government and opposition parties cooperate informally with one another. Contrary to what key arguments made in the literature assert, restructuring does not require the formation of a grand coalition to diffuse blame from voters. Informal cooperation between parties is a distinctive blame-avoiding strategy, which differs not only from other party-oriented strategies such as building a grand coalition, but also from voter-oriented ones, such as obfuscation and exemption. By analysing the politics of pension reform in Germany, this article shows that informal cooperation enables political parties to restructure the welfare state without running the risk of electoral failure.     

Party Politics and Economic Policy in the New Germany

Germany experienced economic malaise in the 1990s, raising the question of whether or not the political system is capable of reform. The reactions of the political parties to economic problems demonstrate an enduring set of norms about economic policy which include a generous social welfare system and an emphasis on co-operation between business and labour. However, there is a general agreement about the need for policy reform, and recent moves by the Red-Green coalition indicate a willingness to undertake significant steps towards a slightly more pluralist and liberal set of policies. The dynamic of party politics over the last decade indicate a mature, stable political system capable of reform.     

The Welfare Agenda of the Populist Radical Right in Western Europe: Combining Welfare Chauvinism,Producerism and Populism*

Recent scholarship on the populist radical right tends to imprecisely describe the welfare agenda of this party family with reference to its key ideological characteristics of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. We propose an alternative analytical framework that considers the multidimensionality of welfare state positions and the “deservingness criteria” that underlie ideas about welfare entitlement. Applying this framework to a sample of four European populist radical right parties, we conclude that three interrelated frames inform their welfare agenda. These parties, we argue, advocate social closure not only on the basis of the deservingness criterion of identity (welfare chauvinism), but also on criteria of control, attitude, and reciprocity (welfare producerism) and on an antagonism between the people and the establishment (welfare populism). Understanding the welfare agenda of the populist radical right requires us to move beyond welfare chauvinism and to reconsider the concept of welfare producerism and its interaction with welfare chauvinism.     

The evolution of the New Patriotic Party in Ghana

This paper examines the emergence and development of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) government in the context of a broader examination of the roles of political parties within the Ghanaian political landscape. After describing the political architecture as well as some significant constitutional issues of Ghana's democracy and the roles played by other societal stakeholders, the paper examines the rationale for the formation of the NPP, its manifesto, structure, constituency, power brokers. It then analyses various aspects of the implementation (or not) of the NPP's political and economic objectives since it came to power in 2000 with a message of ‘positive change’. The electoral politics of the campaigns against its major opposition, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), and issues of regionalism, ethnicity and other factors are considered in detail. The paper concludes with some lessons learned and generic recommendations for emerging African political parties in relatively young democracies.     

Transnational cooperation of Turkish political parties as an ineffective tool of Europeanization

This paper investigates the impact transnational cooperation with European Union (EU) partners has had on Turkish political parties – the ruling Justice and Development Party and the Republican People’s Party. Two main platforms of transnational cooperation, i.e., affiliation with political families in the European Parliament and the workings of the EU–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee, are scrutinized. The article posits that transnational cooperation with partners on a European level has had a limited – if any – socialization effect on Turkish political organization. This stems mainly from ideological divergences between Turkish political parties and their European counterparts, EU scepticism which permeates political elites in Turkey as well as rising anti-Turkish sentiments within the EU establishment.     

伊斯兰原教旨主义与马来西亚穆斯林妇女

伊斯兰原教旨主义推动了马来西亚社会和政治的伊斯兰化,并影响到马来穆斯林妇女的权利和地位.本文从分析伊斯兰原教旨主义妇女观入手,探讨马来西亚政府、政党、宗教部门和非政府组织如何从法律、法特瓦、政策、宣传来规范妇女的行为,并分析联邦政府与州政府、执政党与反对党、乌来玛与非政府组织围绕妇女权利展开的争论和斗争.     

论意大利现行选举制度

党派林立、政府更替频繁是意大利政治的痼疾,如何兼顾扩大公民政治参与和保障政治稳定,已成为意大利选举法改革所面临的首要问题。意大利目前的选举制度是在2005年确立的,它通过改造、强化既有的概念、政策,意图限制进入议会的党派数量,增加政党联盟尤其是执政联盟的力量,实现政治稳定;同时它又简化了计票程序,希望鼓舞起民众的政治参与热情。然而2005年选举法最重要的举措多数奖励,具有通过技术手段虚构稳定多数的嫌疑,潜含着巨大的风险。从最近五年意大利的政治实践看来,这个选举法并没有达到目的,意大利选举法改革依然任重道远。