·“两会”·政协界别·政协提案·

“两会” “两会”是我国各级人民代表大会和人民政协全体会议的统称。“各级”包括全国、省、市、县、乡级（各地情况有不同．许多省份没有乡级政协）。因为两个会议举行的时间基本相同．如全国人大和全国政协通常在每年3月上旬到中旬举行．两个会议的时长也差不多．都是国家政治生活中的大事．所以人们习惯上把它们并称为“两会”。     

我国教师责任研究综述

当前我国关于教师责任的研究多是围绕教师责任的概念、内容、教师责任伦理、责任限度以及责任意识的培养这几方面进行。我国在教师责任研究方面存在的问题主要是:研究对象界定不明;研究方法单一,多以理论研究为主,实证研究少;研究理论基础不牢固,缺乏学理上的深刻论证。据此,本文提出了后期的研究展望:关于教师责任概念、内涵的明确界定,倡导实证研究,从规范伦理学角度出发,探讨履行教师责任的理由,提出履行教师责任的原则,寻求教师责任履行机制,以使研究深入。     

·政治交接·政治安排和实职安排·中上层人士·

“政治交接”是一种政治活动．指的是各民主党派在换届的时候上一届领导人把本党派的政治立场、政治主张和政治传统交给下一届领导人．并使之得以保持、延续和丰富发展。政治交接是民主党派换届阶段自身建设的一条主线。“交”是由民主党派的老一辈领导集体作出．“接”由民主党派新一代领导人完成。通常采取座谈交流、参观考察、谈心、撰写文章等等形式。     

多党合作制度·一党领导·多党合作·参政党

多党合作制度多党合作制度．是“中国共产党领导的多党合作制度”的简称．也是“中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度”的简称．是中国特色的社会主义政治制度之一。1989年，《中共中央关于坚持和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度的意见》提出，“中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是我国一项基本政治制度”：1993年．中华人民共和国宪法修正案增加了“中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度将长期存在和发展”．     

适应·抵抗·平衡·和谐——论翻译生态系统中文化平衡机制的构建

在当代的翻译学研究中,研究方法与途径多有差异,有诸多学者借用其他学科的知识体系来研究翻译理论和实践,出现了许多交叉学科的研究成果,如翻译与美学的结合产生了翻译美学,翻译与语言学的结合造就了翻译中的语言学派等。然而,在其他学科利用生态学拓宽研究视野的强劲时刻,生态学似乎并没有进入翻译研究学人的视线,至少在国内还没有引起应有的关注,而社会、文化、交际和语言作为翻译研究中几个方面,是翻译生态体系中不可缺失的组成要素。     

适应·抵抗·平衡·和谐——论翻译生态系统中文化平衡机制的构建

在当代的翻译学研究中，研究方法与途径多有差异，有诸多学者借用其他学科的知识体系来研究翻译理论和实践，出现了许多交叉学科的研究成果，如翻译与美学的结合产生了翻译美学，翻译与语言学的结合造就了翻译中的语言学派等。然而，在其他学科利用生态学拓宽研究视野的强劲时刻，生态学似乎并没有进入翻译研究学人的视线，至少在国内还没有引起应有的关注，而社会、文化、交际和语言作为翻译研究中几个方面，是翻译生态体系中不可缺失的组成要素。     

汉斯·昆全球伦理观的当代意蕴

对普世伦理的追求由来已久。当前的经济危机与全球化造成的全球问题更凸显了全球伦理的价值。汉斯·昆以全球化为背景，基于责任和对话构建的全球伦理，将人类长久以来对普世伦理的追寻引向新阶段。汉斯·昆试图从价值共识方面来解答全球性问题。全球伦理所体现出的整体意识、责任观念和对话思维对于建设和谐世界具有重要启发意义。     

著书·抄书·窃书

康熙六年(1667),五十五岁的顾炎武,从北方回到江南稍作逗留之后,又一次从江南出发,途经山东,来到北京。这一次,他从友人处得到了《春秋纂例》、《春秋权衡》和《汉上易传》等书,又由友人资助,抄录了这些书。事成之后,他写了一篇《抄书自序》,谈了他抄书的缘起和经历。顾氏起家在明代正德年间,传到顾炎武这一辈,先后六代,一直走着读书做官的生活之路。顾炎武说,在他高祖之时,他家里已藏书六、七千卷。这些藏书,在嘉靖年间因为“倭乱”而毁废殆尽,但到万历初年,也就是在他曾祖父手里,家中藏书又积聚渐多,恢复到他高祖时的规模。到他祖父这一辈…     

责任政府与政府责任

现代政府应该是对全体国民全面承担责任的“责任政府”。而传统理论将“责任政府”主要限制在“内阁制”政府及其政治责任方面,其內容与范围具有明显的局限性。本文认为,在社会发展加快,行政权在公共领域不断扩张,对行政权的控制越来越重要的今天,“责任政府”的概念应扩展到任何一种政治体制的政府,而其内容也应扩展到政治的人道义的、宪法的和其它法律责任诸多方面。     

·政治协商·民主监督·参政议政·

政治协商 政治协商，是中国特色的一种政治活动和制度安排。作为政治活动，它是中国共产党实行科学民主决策的重要环节，是中国共产党提高执政能力的重要途径，也是各民主党派在国家政治生活中发挥职能作用的重要途径；作为政治制度安排，它是中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度的重要组成部分，由一系列具体制度和程序所组成。     

Humanitarianism and Responsibility

This article serves as an introduction to the articles in this special issue of the Journal of Human Rights on humanitarianism and responsibility. We thread the work of our contributors, along with other key scholars, together into a broader discussion about the possibilities and limitations of humanitarian responsibility. We first elaborate several constitutive dimensions of responsibility as it has been understood in humanitarian discourse, with particular attention to the way in which it has been deployed to both limit and extend the humanitarian mandate. We then consider how the discourse of humanitarian responsibility constitutes a departure from, and a possible alternative to, the discourse of human rights as the reigning lingua franca in which ethical arguments are advanced at the global level. Ultimately, we contend that while renewed emphasis on responsibility is no panacea for the difficult political and ethical questions that bedevil international humanitarianism and should not displace the focus on human rights, the process of critically engaging with this term may present a valuable opportunity to rethink the pursuit of global justice as a situated and contingent engagement between the self and those distant and proximate others who are exposed to catastrophes, natural and man-made.     

Clarity of Responsibility and Corruption

This article demonstrates that political institutions influence the level of corruption via clarity of responsibility. The key hypothesis is that when political institutions provide high clarity of responsibility, politicians face incentives to pursue good policies and reduce corruption. These incentives are induced by the electorates' rejection of incumbents who do not provide satisfactory outcomes. However, if lines of responsibility are not clear, the ability of voters to evaluate and punish politicians—as well as to create incentives for performance—declines. The findings confirm that countries with institutions that allow for greater clarity of responsibility have lower levels of corruption.     

On Power and Responsibility

The article focuses on Lukes' treatment of the relation between power and responsibility. By attempting to draw a sharp distinction between power and structural constraint, I argue, Lukes unnecessarily excludes from his analysis a wide range of significant and inegalitarian social constraints on freedom. The article defends a more structural approach to the study of power, one that employs democratic evaluative standards. Power relations are more or less legitimate, by this view, depending on the extent to which they enable the people they affect to help shape and reshape them. Contra Lukes' claim that structural approaches are incapable of accounting for the relationship between power and responsibility, I argue that they are fully compatible with theories of political responsibility. Even if no identifiable agent or agents can be held morally responsible for creating a given relation of domination, those actors whose actions helped produce that relationship are obligated to attempt to understand and to change it.     

Responsibility budgeting and accounting

Information/transaction costs make it necessary to decentralize some decision rights in organizations and in the economy. Decentralization in turn requires organizations to solve the control problem that results when self-interested persons do not behave as perfect agents. Capitalist economies solve these control problems through the institution of alienable decision rights. But because organizations suppress the alienability of decision rights, they must devise substitute mechanisms that perform those functions. Three functions are critical: (1) allocating decision rights among agents in the organization, (2) measuring and evaluating performance, and (3) rewarding and punishing individuals for their performance. Responsibility budgeting and accounting systems are the most widespread mechanisms for performing these functions in business today.     

Managerial Responsibility

The concept of managerial responsibility is a shining thread in the literature of public administration, but its definition within our constitutional scheme remains elusive. How will we know responsible public management when we see it? We propose one answer: Public administration should be conducted according to what we term a “precept of managerial responsibility,” which involves four interrelated elements derived from the classical literature of public administration: judgment, accountability, balance, and rationality. We apply this precept to one of the most vexing problems of public administration theory and practice, institutional reform litigation. This application illustrates how the precept solves a major theoretical problem of American public administration by defining a role for administrative officers that fully comports with the Madisonian scheme of separated institutions—legislative, executive, and judicial—sharing power.     

直面全球化：高等教育的新使命

中国加入WTO标志着中国汇入经济全球化的大潮。全球化对高等教育是一个新的挑战,大学必须承担起新的历史使命。     

Choice, Responsibility and Equality

Should responsibility for disadvantage constitute a matter of fundamental concern for egalitarians? An important strand of contemporary egalitarian thought – a strand that Elizabeth Anderson calls 'luck equality'– argues that responsibility for disadvantage should constitute a decisive concern for any acceptable egalitarian theory. Luck equality therefore requires a defensible account of responsibility; and disagreements regarding the nature and extent of responsibility for disadvantage have become central in the egalitarian literature. Anderson argues that luck equality's focus on responsibility reflects a misunderstanding of the point of equality. If persuasive, her argument would establish that egalitarian thought may do without a defensible account of responsibility. Although she fails to establish this claim, she does argue persuasively that luck equality employs the notion of responsibility overly strenuously. Her critique suggests that egalitarians must qualify their acceptance of the precept that 'genuine choice excuses otherwise unacceptable inequalities'.     

落实安全主体责任的思考与实践

文章论述了企业安全生产的主体责任在当前的基本情况,认识到落实企业安全生产主体责任的重要性,结合实际分析了企业安全生产主体责任的第一责任人、落实安全生产主体责任的指导方针、安全生产规章制度及操作规程,通过理论分析和相关实践,为企业安全生产责任主体的目标实现提供了理论指导。     

职权与职责研究

本文研究的职权与职责属于狭义的,即作为国家权力表现自身存在和运作的生命形态,是实现承担的职能、达致目的的前提性、根本性的途径。从职权与职责的定义中可以知道,二者乃同一个法律实证体的密不可分的不同侧面。职权与职责具有各自的主要功能。职权与职责产生的法理依据:人民主权论、法治论和分权制衡论。在职权与职责关系方面,首先探讨它们之间的不同点和共同点;进而解读职权本位抑或职责本位问题,认为应坚持后者,确立当作"人民勤务员"的"责任政府"和"服务政府"。