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This article traces the role of the Prime Minister, Joseph Benedict Chifley, in Australia's response to the Dutch‐Indonesian colonial conflict. It argues for Chifley's centrality to the formation of Australia's eventual policy to support Indonesian nationalist aspirations, a policy often in antithesis to the views of H.V. Evatt. This is significant because a focus on Evatt has distracted historians from ascertaining the causes of Australia's policy. Examining Chifley's attitude and role reveals that Australia's response to revolutionary Indonesia stemmed from an application to the Southeast Asian colonial question of a labourist and post‐war reconstructionist ethos, an idea of sweeping reform to rectify deep economic and social grievances.  相似文献   

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The Department of External Affairs took a keen interest in the manner in which Radio Australia reported events in Indonesia throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Radio Australia's high signal strength gave it a massive listening audience in the region. The attempted coup in Indonesia of 1965, its immediate aftermath, and the protracted power struggle that followed, triggered a period of cooperation and conflict between the Department and the Australian Broadcasting Commission over Radio Australia's reporting of events in Indonesia. During this time the Department received and acted upon advice from the Australian ambassador to Indonesia, Keith Shann, and, via Shann, received advice from the Indonesian Army on how it wanted the situation in Indonesia reported. This period is characterised by the Department's efforts to take over Radio Australia, and by cooperation between major western powers to coordinate information policy towards Indonesia. The Department also attempted to influence reporting of events in Indonesia by the Australian press and succeeded in convincing newspaper editors to report and editorialise in a manner sensitive to the Department's concerns.  相似文献   

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The Rural Reconstruction Commission 1943‐46 remains the most ambitious inquiry ever undertaken into Australia's rural affairs. Despite the Commission's scope it has attracted little interest from historians. This lack of interest stems from an inaccurate assessment of the impact the reports had on policy making. Assessments have emphasised the few recommendations adopted, but have failed to appreciate the Commission's usefulness to governments confronted with the diverse interests and entrenched jurisdictional boundaries that complicate rural policy making.  相似文献   

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本文简要介绍了印尼在苏加诺特别是苏哈托政府统治时期对华人实行的强迫同化政策和瓦希德执政以来实行的多元文化政策的主要内容和影响,并分析了这些政策产生的国内外背景.  相似文献   

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In terms of international policies, the Lyons and Menzies Governments of 1931-41 have had a bad press for generations. They have been accused of failing to rearm in time for the Second World War, sending troops abroad who were sorely needed at home, too readily appeasing the Dictators, perversely selling pig-iron to Japan, and planning to give away half of Australia above a Vichy-like Brisbane Line. A reassessment reveals this to be leftist demonology. Rather, in very difficult circumstances they pursued carefully policies that, with benefit of hindsight, were more in the national interest than those of their Labor opponents.  相似文献   

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The relationship between immigration and crime rates has long been a topic of robust debate in criminology and sociology, especially for scholars of the United States. Researchers in those fields have highlighted divergent factors to explain high arrest rates including the presence of ethnic gangs, media reporting, racial profiling, over‐policing of immigrant communities, and wider issues of social dislocation brought about by migration. By contrast, historians have given little consideration to the topic. This lack of historical investigation is particularly curious in studies of Australia's post‐war immigration given the political importance of the issue at the time. Immigration and criminality — or more precisely, whether immigrants committed more crime or worse crimes than the Australian‐born population — became a prominent topic of media coverage and political interest in the early 1950s. In fact, the question of migrants’ criminality was so important that it was the subject of the first research inquiries ever ordered by the Department of Immigration. Our article examines this research, explaining the impetus for the inquiries, their findings, and their historical significance. We conclude by outlining how this topic can illuminate new areas of inquiry in immigration history.  相似文献   

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