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There is an abundance of research from cultural, critical and feminist criminology that has recognized media as a vehicle to propagate various forms of gender inequality and violence against women. Likewise, there has been extensive research on how childhood products and toys replicate the patriarchal construction of gender. However, these bodies of research have been relatively silent on how the commodification of culture is consumed and reified by the very population it oppresses (i.e. women). Here, we argue that violence against women is commodified and eagerly consumed in an age of neo-liberalism, legitimizing the patriarchal power structures that subordinate women. Our goal is to begin a discussion of female consumption of the commodification that gives consent and facilitates the patriarchal perpetual power system. Using examples from media and the consumer market, we hope to begin a broader discussion of how patriarchy, gender roles and inequality are reinforced through everyday banal consumption by both sexes. However, this banal consumption by females not only lends to the legitimization of the heteronormative patriarchal status quo but also makes them active participants in the continuation of inequality and power structures inherent within this patriarchal society. 相似文献
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Heather Marquette 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2001,36(4):395-407
In this era of political conditionality and good governance, anti-corruptionhas emerged as a top priority (at least in theory) for all major donors. Thisis almost always linked to support for democratisation efforts, with onenotable exception – the World Bank. The Bank is constricted by anon-political mandate which forbids it supporting one particular politicalsystem through its lending and other activities. Nonetheless, the languageit uses (e.g., accountability, transparency, participation, etc.) and theprojects it supports seem to endorse the spirit of liberal democracy. I arguethat the Bank's mandate is in conflict with a politically sensitive issue likeanti-corruption, and that it is impossible to separate economic issues frompolitical ones in this instance; however, given the lack of consensus on therelationship between democracy, development and corruption, this may bethe best state of affairs for now. 相似文献
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受贿犯罪作为腐败的重要形式,不仅严重侵害了我们党和国家的健康机体,侵害了我们国家的廉政制度,而且严重败坏了党和国家在人民群众心目中的形象,极大破坏了社会经济的发展秩序。贿赂,作为受贿犯罪的犯罪对象,如何界定其范围,目前并没有形成统一的认识,这给司法实践的认定带来了相当的难度。本文列举了我国刑法学界,关于贿赂范围的三种主要观点以及我国关于贿赂范围的法律界定,借鉴域外贿赂范围的立法情况,提出我国立法完善之建议。 相似文献
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触目惊心的官员腐败犯罪说明我国的监督机制亟待完善。我国监督文化存在的缺陷,使得监督官员腐败犯罪的氛围难以形成,并导致监督机制缺乏力度,反腐法网不严密,贪污贿赂犯罪机会多、成本低,法律对官员腐败犯罪缺乏应有的威慑作用。因此,必须采取中央主导型反腐败模式,建立高效、独立、权威的反腐专门机构;以法律形式确立公务员制度、财产申报制度、储蓄实名制度;制定专门的《反贪污贿赂法》,严密法网,堵塞漏洞,减少腐败犯罪的机会,提高犯罪成本。 相似文献
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贿赂犯罪作为一个古老的社会现象,在中国市场经济日益发达的今天似乎愈演愈烈,甚至渗入被视为象牙塔的教育领域,成为现代法治社会的一大毒瘤,严重影响了创建和谐社会的宏伟目标。笔者在分析中国高等教育系统贿赂犯罪的现状与特点基础上,拟就如何采取侦查和预防对策,提出自己的见解,以期有效地控制高校领域的贿赂犯罪. 相似文献
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香港政府反贪污贿赂的成效举世瞩目,这首先应当归功于其刑事立法的合理性。与内地刑法相比,贿赂范围的广泛性,代理人贿赂、选举贿赂等特色罪名的设置,各类主体贿赂犯罪法定刑的一致性.行贿与受贿同等处罚,从严处罚涉及公共机构的商业贿赂犯罪,注重财产刑和资格刑的并科适用等,都是香港贿赂犯罪立法的独特之处,这些做法对内地贿赂犯罪立法的修改和完善具有重要的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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简敏 《西南政法大学学报》2000,2(1):24-26
腐败作为一种世界文明的社会公害,其实质是以权谋私。腐败滋生蔓延的根源不能归咎于权力与市场之间存在联系,更不能简单地加罪于权力进入市场。因为政府权力与市场经济密切相关,市场失灵的缺陷离不开国家权力的干预。权力的商品化才是腐败的内在根源,所以必须确切定位市场经济中的权力,按权力限度原则和法制规范原则设定权力的边界,在转变政府职能和防止权力腐败的基础上建构政府与市场的关系。 相似文献
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Disaster by Design: Corruption, Construction and Catastrophe 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
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Nicholas Lord 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2013,60(2):127-145
Recent large-scale cases involving multi-national corporations such as the BAE Systems and Siemens bribery scandals illustrate the difficulties faced by the UK and German sovereign states in controlling complex trans-national and multi-jurisdictional crimes. This article analyses the mixture of enforcement, self-regulatory and hybrid mechanisms that are emerging as part of UK and German responses to controlling transnational corporate bribery. This regulatory landscape incorporates a diverse array of direct and indirect state and non-state ‘regulatory’ actors of varying levels of formality. Mechanisms of a self-regulatory nature vary in terms of their mandatory/voluntary requirements and manufactured/organic formation. However, there is an assumption that the emergence of a variety of enforcement, self-regulatory and innovative hybrid mechanisms is sufficient but in reality this is not the case. Instead, the key argument of the article is that while these mechanisms are aiding the response, they are likely to fail leading to the default position of accommodation by state agencies, even where the will to enforce the law is high. 相似文献