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1.
For 30 years successive Commonwealth governments have offered grants to encourage marginal farmers to quit farming. The grants have increased in generosity over time but there has only ever been a limited uptake of the program. This paper considers the assumptions policy-makers have made about farmers' behaviour in formulating these programs and compares these with sociological evidence about farmers' incentive structures. This case study provides an example of how the failure to take account of a sufficiently broad range of values when formulating policy can undermine policy objectives from the outset.  相似文献   

2.
In a world where goods and services (but also people, capital and ideas) are increasingly ignoring national borders, competition policy has emerged as a highly salient issue at the heart of international trade discussions. Aspects of competition policy, from cartels and monopolies to state aids and the liberalization of the utilities, have become a regular feature in the pages of the financial and legal press and have become identified as a central element in any government's policy towards industry and its drive for competitiveness. This article focuses on European Union merger control and although appreciative of the dominance of economics and law in competition policy, stresses the political dimension to competition policy. A government and public administration perspective is essential. This is in evidence in the type of regime, the commitment to enforcing the law, the role of discretion and issues such as transparency and democracy. The example of merger control is used to illustrate how the European Commission (EC) has emerged and operates as a genuinely federal actor in determining and shaping merger policy throughout the EU. In short, this article accounts for policy development, the decision making process and in particular the degree to which discretion and politicization underpin one of the most crucial aspects of economic regulation.  相似文献   

3.
Goggin  Malcolm L. 《Publius》1999,29(2):35-52
States have exercised administrative discretion in at leastsix different ways during the intergovernmental implementationof the State Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) provisionof the Balanced Budget Act of 1997. States have used this flexibilityto determine when to submit their plans and when to put theCHIP program into effect. After describing the problem of uninsuredchildren in America and the politics of program adoption, multivariateanalysis is used to attempt to answer the following question:Why have some states moved more quickly than others to get plansfor introducing CHIP submitted, approved, and implemented? Thenature and extent of a relationship between a state's economic,political, and health-need characteristics, on the one hand,and the timing of submission and implementation, on the other,are examined.  相似文献   

4.
Gamkhar  Shama; Ali  Hamid 《Publius》2008,38(1):1-21
This article examines the political economy of U.S. federalhighway demonstration grant allocations. Demonstration grantsare a rapidly growing segment of federal highway grants directlyearmarked for a congressional district by Congress, unlike themajority of highway grants where Congress determines a formulaand allocates funds accordingly to states. Our empirical analysis,considering the period 1983–2003, suggests that a state'sability to attract demonstration project grants is positivelyinfluenced by its contributions to the highway trust fund andpolitical variables, and it is not affected by the formula highwayaid and vehicle miles traveled in a state.  相似文献   

5.
The main purpose of this article is to refine, modify, and elaborate some central propositions and assumptions in the scholarly debate on corporatism or corporate pluralism. The empirical base is a data archive containing information on practically all interest groups in Denmark. Hypotheses are formulated and tested concerning variations in direct representation and participation of interest groups in public policy-making across (a) types of interest groups, (b) organizational resources, (c) organizational structures, and{d) political issue areas. Contrary to prevailing propositions in the literature on corporatism, the Danish case shows that corporate structures and practices go hand in hand with a system of interest groups characterized by myriads of interest groups, and an overall, rather decentralized structure.  相似文献   

6.
The question addressed in this article is: Why are some countries more corporatist than others? It is argued that neither pure micro-, nor pure macro-explanations can account for the great variation in the degree of corporatism (however measured) among western countries. Instead, an institutional variant is put forward, where the structure of the state at the time of the formation of working-class organizations is taken as the main independent variable. It has been shown that the development of collaborative or confrontational labor movements was decided by the reaction of the existing political elites to the demands from the working class in the pre-World War I period. Where suffrage came late, and where the class system was rigid. a radical/revolutionary orientation would dominate the working-class movement, hindering corporatist arrangements, and vice versa. The problem with this argument is that it does not fit the Swedish case. Although democracy was introduced comparatively late and although the class system was rigid, Sweden has been considered the nearly ideal-typical case of corporatism. It is argued that the deviant Swedish case can be explained by the specific structure of the pre-democratic Swedish state - centralized, but not closed; bureaucratic and professional but not especially authoritarian; differentiated but not without central coordination of policy.  相似文献   

7.
This article undertakes a modest midterm assessment of MetropolitanPlanning Organizations (MPOs) under the Intermodal Surface TransportationEfficiency Act of 1991 (ISTEA). The focus is on the role ofthe MPO, emphasizing its intergovernmental context. Two major sources of primary data are used: (])a national surveyof MPOs, completed in March 1994, and (2) an ACIR study of eighteenMPOs in twelve U.S. regions. The article addresses decentralization of transportation policyto regional MPOs, local policymaking and decision authority,intergovernmental issues under ISTEA, and what lies ahead forMPOs. The article concludes that ISTEA has brought a great dealof change to MPOs. The data suggest that ISTEA is having somesuccess: decentralization is taking place; more stakeholdersare getting involved; public involvement programs are becomingmore common; and greater attention is being given to air quality,intermodal issues, long-range planning, and intergovernmentalcoordination. However, most MPOs are encountering difficulties in implementingISTEA. They do not know how to do many of the new tasks assignedto them, and the intergovernmental links that ISTEA dependson are not yet forged solidly.  相似文献   

8.
Public management researchers are often interested in estimating the effects of aggregate-level management reforms and policy changes, but they frequently rely on observational data that pose a number of threats to internal validity. The synthetic control method for comparative case studies (SCM) has great potential for advancing public management scholarship by addressing some of the methodological challenges associated with observational data and providing intuitive graphical results that help researchers communicate their findings to audiences unfamiliar with quantitative methods. SCM uses a transparent, data-driven algorithm for selecting a weighted combination of control units that act as a plausible counterfactual for estimating causal effects. This article demonstrates SCM by investigating the effect of enhancing managerial discretion under performance accountability systems in the context of public education. The article also provides a number of possible avenues for future public management research using SCM and practical guidance for applying the method.  相似文献   

9.
10.
Lovell  Catherine 《Publius》1983,13(3):85-95
The CDBG program provides an excellent opportunity to studywhat local governments do to carry out national policy whenit is stated in general terms and they are left to their owndevices, and what they do differently when policy is interpretedin explicit regulations which are enforced. This article reviewswhat happened with two major legislative guidelines (low incometargeting and community participation) during the first sixyears of the CDBG program, including a period during which HUDinterpretations and enforcement varied greatly. It appears thatstrong federal enforcement caused a small increment in low incometargeting overall; but rigorous HUD direction and enforcement,combined with strong citizen participation, was necessary forsome jurisdictions to emphasize targeting. The research is pertinentin the present era of attempts toward major relaxation of federalgrant conditions and enforcement programs.  相似文献   

11.
我国的法官自由裁量权在理论与实践中均存在着诸多的问题.应从司法程序之内以及司法程序之外对法官自由裁量权的行使进行规制,前者包括证据规则、判决说理、公开审判等方面的制度制约,后者包括健全监督制约机制等方面的约束.  相似文献   

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14.
世界范围内,在风险规制领域争议纷呈而较为通行的风险预防原则,并未明确表达在《食品安全法》关于食品添加剂准入标准的规定之中.而食品添加剂准入裁量的实践,如过氧化苯甲酰、过氧化钙(俗称“面粉增白剂”)的撤销决策,尽管没有按照风险预防原则的话语阐述其理由,却暗合该原则的要求.且唯有从风险预防原则出发,才能为此撤销决策理由提供正当性基础.进而,食品添加剂准入裁量的“技术必要”标准和“安全可靠”标准的意义及其相互关系,应予重述,注入风险预防原则的精髓,以利于确立恰当的食品添加剂准入裁量之规范框架.  相似文献   

15.
All states in the New England and Middle Atlantic regions of the United States provide State Police services without charge to municipalities without full-time local police departments. Efficiency and equity issues have resulted from this tradition and the development of local police departments or shared departments across neighboring municipalities in rural and exurban areas has been discouraged. These problems will diminish in scope as municipalities receiving the State Police subsidy opt out of the program and adopt local policing. We examine this potential by estimating models of the municipal decision to use the State Police for local policing among New Jersey municipalities with less than 15,000 population. We find that the elasticities of the decision to use the State Police for local policing with respect to population and median family income to be −1.1 and −2.3, respectively. If recent income and population trends in New Jersey municipalities using the State Police continue, our upper range estimate is that about 20 of the 90 municipalities using the State Police will opt out of the program in the next decade.  相似文献   

16.
Accumulated evidence from dozens of cash transfer (CT) programs across the world suggests that there are few interventions that can match the range of impacts and cost‐effectiveness of a small, predictable monetary transfer to poor families in developing countries. However, individual published impact assessments typically focus on only one program and one outcome. This article presents two‐year impacts of the Zambian Government's Child Grant, an unconditional CT to families with children under age 5, across a wide range of domains including consumption, productive activity, and women and children's outcomes, making this one of the first studies to assess both protective and productive impacts of a national unconditional CT program. We show strong impacts on consumption, food security, savings, and productive activity. However, impacts in areas such as child nutritional status and schooling depend on initial conditions of the household, suggesting that cash alone is not enough to solve all constraints faced by these poor, rural households. Nevertheless, the apparent transformative effects of this program suggest that unconditional transfers in very poor settings can contribute to both protection and development outcomes.  相似文献   

17.
控制官僚是政治学研究中的一项重要主题。若以控制力的来源、向度和制度化水平作为分类依据,再基于对不同制度空间下控制官僚策略的比较,可以概括出复合型、单一性与轴心化这三种总体性的官僚控制模式。当代中国的控制官僚模式在权力制衡与社会制衡方面尚存在不足,需要改进和突破。  相似文献   

18.
Since the 1990s, South Africa, like many other countries from the Global South, has provided extensive social assistance for the poor. The literature on these policies, however, is largely dominated by structuralist accounts, and it largely overlooks political factors. We conducted quantitative analyses regarding the South African flagship Child Support Grant (CSG) program and investigated how contentious and electoral political dynamics jointly shape the provision of this program. Based on a logistic regression analysis, we measured the effect of protest participation, voting preference, and their interaction on the likelihood of CSG receipt. Our analysis showed that CSG receipt is much higher among “uncontentious supporters” of ANC and “contentious nonsupporters,” as well as those who join violent protests. This lends support for our argument that CSG is being used as a tool for electoral politics and containment of unrest, providing fresh evidence for political mediation theories of social policy.  相似文献   

19.
This article examines staff discretion in permanent supportive housing facilities run by a nonprofit agency claiming to use a Housing First approach. Field observation, archival data, and individual and group interviews with staff and clients were examined to better understand agency processes involved in intake, sanctions, and disposal of clients to evaluate Housing First fidelity. In their day-to-day interactions with clients, frontline workers' discretion is affected by working conditions such as lack of resources and heavy workloads, as well as by demands placed on the agency by members of its task environment. Implications for Housing First programs and homeless clients are discussed.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

Previous scholarship has investigated why legislatures sometimes choose to delegate policy choice to executive agencies, but there is little research on the consequences of the choice to delegate or not. Using a multiple principal-agent framework, this paper provides empirical evidence regarding the impact of legislative delegation and agency discretion on the work of U.S. government employees. Findings suggest that delegation directly reduces employee discretion only in client service agencies; its direct effects on employee productivity are more evident but varied. Legislative delegation is also associated with more executive political appointees, whose presence reduces both employee discretion and productivity. Whether employees with more discretion are more productive than those with less depends on their commitment to the job: employees who like their work more than their pay use their discretion to enhance productivity, while employees who like their pay more than their work use their discretion to reduce productivity.  相似文献   

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