Legitimacy and class rule in commonwealth Africa: Constitutionalism and the rule of law

The World Energy Triangle: a strategy for cooperation. Thomas Hoffman and Brian Johnson, Cambridge, Mass: Ballinger. 1981. 217pp. $20.00

Energy Futures of Developing Countries. Edited by Harlan Cleveland, New York: Praeger. 1980. 96pp. £11.00

World Energy: issues and policies. Edited by R Mabro, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1980. 367pp. £15.00

Energy for Subsistence. Margaret Haswell, London: Macmillan. 1981. 100pp. £15.00

Third World Poverty: new strategies for measuring development progress. Edited by William Paul McGreevey Farnborough, England: Lexington. 1981.215pp. £11.50

Dialogue for a New Order. Edited by Khadija Haq Oxford: Pergamon. 1980. 312pp. £16.25

Development from Above or Below? The dialectics of regional planning in developing countries. Edited by Walter B Stohr and D R Fraser Taylor, Chichester, England: John Wiley. 1981. 488pp. £17.50

Managing Development: the political dimension. Marc Lindenberg and Benjamin Crosby, West Hartford, Connecticut, USA: Kumarian. 1981. 217pp. np.

Development Perspectives. Paul Streeten, London: Macmillan. 1981. 449pp. £25.00

Recent Issues in World Development: a collection of survey articles. Edited by Paul Streeten and Richard Jolly, Oxford: Pergamon. 1981.441pp. £20.00.

Urban Poverty and Economic Development. Bruce Herrick and Barclay Hudson, London: Macmillan. 1981.188pp. £15.00.

Community Development: comparative case studies in India, the Republic of Korea, Mexico and Tanzania.. Edited by R Dore and Z Mars, London: Croom Helm. 1981.446pp. £14.95.

Tribe and State in Bahrain: the transformation of social and political authority in an Arabstate.. Fuad I Khuri, London: University of Chicago Press. 1980. 289pp. £9.60.

Imperialism: pioneer of capitalism. B Warren, London: New Left Books/Verso Editions. 1981. 296pp. £10.00. £3.95 pb

The Money Lenders: Bankers in a dangerous world. Anthony Sampson, London: Hodder and Stoughton. 1981. 336pp. £7.95.

Indian Banking: nature and problems. Vasant Desai, Bombay: Himalaya Publishing House. 1979. 383pp. £6.00.

Rural Banking in India. S S M Desai, Bombay: Himalaya Publishing House. 1979. 387pp. £6.00.

Policy‐Making in a New State: Papua New Guinea 1972–77. Edited by J A Ballard, St. Luci, Queensland: Queensland University Press. 1981. 331pp. np.

Change in the International System. Edited by O R Holsti, R M Siverson and A L George, Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. 1980. 301pp. £15.00.

When Europe Speaks With One. Voice Phillip Taylor, London: Aldwych. 1979. 235pp. £13.50.

Investment and Divestment Policies in Multinational Corporations in Europe. Edited by D Van Den Bulcke, J J Boddewyn, B Martens and P Klemmer, Farnborough, England: Saxon House (in association with ECSIM). 1979. 244pp. £13.50.

US Business in South Africa: the economic, political and moral issues. Desaix Myers III, with Kenneth Propp, David Hauck and David M Liff, London: Rex Collings. 1981. 375pp. £9.50.

Conflict and Compromise in South Africa. Edited by Robert I Rot berg and John Barratt, Farnborough, England: Gower. 1980. 212pp. £13.50

African Perspectives: the economic geography of nine African states. Edited by Harm de Blij and Esmond Martin, London: Methuen. 1981. 264pp. £12.95

Nigeria Since 1970: a political and economic outline. Anthony Kirk‐Greene and Douglas Rimmer, London: Hodder and Stoughton. 1981.161pp. £3.50 pb.

The History of Sierra Leone: a concise introduction. C Magbaily Fyle, London: Evans Brothers. 1981.150pp. £2.00 pb.

Deutsche‐arabische Beziehungen. Karl Kaiser and Udo Steinbach, Munich and Vienna: R Oldenburg Verlag. 1981. 364pp. np.

The Arabs. Maxime Rodinson (translated by Arthur Goldhammer), London: Groom Helm. 1981. 188pp. £9.95. £5.95pb.

The Struggle for Land:. a political economy of the pioneer frontier in Brazil from 1930 to the present day. Joe Foweraker, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 260pp. £20.00.

Ecodevelopment: economics, ecology and development. Robert Riddell, Farnborough, England: Gower. 1981. 218pp. £12.50. £7.95pb.

The Natural Resources of Trinidad and Tobago. Edited by S T G C Cooper and P R Bacon London: Edward Arnold. 1981. 223pp. £18.00.

The Asiatic Mode of Production: science and politics. Edited by Anne M Bailey and Josep R Llobera, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 1981. 363pp. £7.95 pb.

Développement Agricole Dépendant et Mouvements Paysans en Amérique Latine. Edited by Lawrence R Alschuler with the collaboration of J Gélinas, T Buarque de Hollanda and A Winberg, Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. 1981.218pp. np.

Dependent Agricultural Development and Agrarian Reform in Latin America. Edited by Lawrence R Alschuler with the collaboration of J Gelinas, T Buarque de Hollanda and A Winberg, Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. 1981. 186pp. np.

Islam and Power. Edited by Alexander S Cudsi and Ali E Hillal Dessouki, London: Croom Helm. 1981. 204pp. £11.95.

Arab Nationalism: a critical enquiry. Bassam Tibi (translated by Marion Farouk Sluglett and Peter Sluglett), London: Macmillan. 1981. 286pp. £20.00.

Political Power in Ecuador. Osvaldo Hurtado Albuquerque, New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press. 1981. 398pp. $29.95.

Class, State and Power in the Third World: with case studies on class conflict in Latin America. James F Petras with A Eugene Havens, Morris H Morley and Peter DeWitt, London: Zed Press. 1981. 285pp. £16.95.

Genocide: its political use in the twentieth century. Leo Kuper Harmondsworth, England: Penguin. 1981.255pp. £2.95.

Nigerian Constitutional Law Reports. Volume 2, 1981 Edited by Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Lagos: Nigerian Law Publications. 1981. 498pp. Naira 30.00     

Public administration and the rule of law

This article deals with the enduring problem of administrative discretion in the modern American democratic-constitutional state. In the American constitutional tradition, administrative action is legitimate when and only if it adheres to the rule of law. This implies that administrators must be able to link directly their actions to grants of authority in statutes or the Constitution. But the growth of the state apparatus and the increasing intensification of the public administration's role in society have necessitated rather broad legislative grants of discretion to the bureaucracy. The result has been a seemingly perennial tension between the rule of law ideal and the modern administrative reality.

Attempts to control discretion via evolving doctrines of administrative law have proved unsatisfactory for a variety of reasons explored in this essay. The most important shortfall has been that the continuing expansion of the administrative state threatens directly the rule of law itself. After a survey of the weaknesses of these doctrines, we conclude that the rule of law is fundamentally incompatible with the necessary work of administration in the modern American state. Administrative discretion is thus seen to pose an intractable problem for the liberal democratic society, which accounts for its problematic persistence.     

The iron law of Erdogan: the decay from intra-party democracy to personalistic rule

Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’ suggests that oligarchic party rule is inevitable, yet many parties have shown a strong commitment to intra-party democracy. However, Turkey’s akp is a typified case of Michels’ law, displaying an explicit commitment to intra-party democracy, only to later abandon it. I ask what factors have facilitated this transformation. Why does the iron law of oligarchy display itself in some parties but not in others? I argue that intra-party democracy owes its existence to three indicators – inclusiveness, decentralisation and institutionalisation. Conversely, it should be observed that a party shifting from democratic to oligarchic or personalistic intra-party rule will display decreasing levels of these three indicators in terms of policy formation and candidate selection. By tracing akp’s internal party operations since its founding in 2001, I demonstrate a gradual deterioration in these indicators, reflecting a gradual deterioration of democracy within the party to oligarchy and then to personalism.     

China moves toward the rule of law

For more than a generation, the People' Republic of China has, essentially, been without a criminal code, a civil code, a comnercia1 code and the usually-expected rules of law. In 1979, new policies were adopted to re-institute the rule of law. For the same period, it has been a country where there were, essentially, no law yers. This article describes the new policies and examines in detail two of the new laws, the criminal code and the code of criminal procedure. The characteristics of each are described and analyzed against the background of legal history in China since 1949.     

Innovation spaces: lessons from the United Nations

This paper explores the notion of ‘innovation spaces’ within the UN system, as physical and virtual laboratories for innovation. Using empirical research in a range of innovation labs the authors explore four key questions: what form UN innovation labs have taken, what has motivated their creation, what their aims and objectives are, and what impact they are having. The answers to these questions promote reflection on the future of innovation spaces, particularly an analysis of whether a model of ‘siloed’ innovation spaces will survive in the humanitarian system. The paper demonstrates the important role that innovation labs play in the UN system, as well as grappling with the challenges they face.     

Grasping the Syrian War,a view from Albanians in the Balkans

Reactions to the brutal Syrian War from European governments and Europe’s Muslims have been diverse and subject to many shifts over the past few years. This paper focuses on how Albanian political and Islamic religious figures living in the Balkans have come to interpret the war. I focus on discourse, the ways in which these different agents communicate with their audience, and the wider contexts they evoke. Government sources and religiously themed lectures delivered by prominent imams on the social networking site YouTube are used to assess these trends. The most obvious aspect of these debates is the ways in which these agents use the war to press their own agendas, the government to affirm their commitment to the “West” and an ethnicized view of Islam, while Islamic religious leaders use it to reconnect their audiences to a more cosmopolitan vision of their past. War thus becomes a catalyst for a resurgent contestation between different groups vying for control over what it means to be “Albanian” and “Muslim” in the twenty-first century.     

State Infrastructural Power and Nationalism: Comparative Lessons from Mexico and Argentina

This article focuses on the nexus between state infrastructural power and legitimacy. A comparative case study of nationalism in mid-twentieth-century Mexico and Argentina provides the basis for theorizing the impact of state infrastructural power on transformations of official understandings of nationhood. Both countries experienced a transition from liberal to popular nationalism. The extent to which popular nationalism became a regular product of state organizations varied between the two cases, depending on the timing of state development. The temporal congruence between the expansion of state infrastructural power and ideological change, as exemplified by Mexico under Cárdenas, facilitated the full institutionalization of the new official ideology, whereas a disjuncture between state development and ideological change, as exemplified by Argentina under Perón, inhibited such a comprehensive transformation of nationalism.     

Ukrainian kleptocrats and America's real-life House of Cards: Corruption,lobbyism and the rule of law

Washington DC is not only a center for democracy promotion programs by government-funded and private foundations and think tanks. Washington DC has also attracted hundreds of millions of dollars for lobbyists, political consultants and think tanks from authoritarian political forces and kleptocrats who have little in common with American and European values. Both Republicans and Democrats have been recipients of these illicit funds from state officials and oligarchs who are seeking to ingratiate themselves with American public opinion. Political consultants, lobbyists, lawyers and think tanks which receive funds from such sources are part of a bigger problem of reverse corruption and cynicism and the export of authoritarian practices from Ukraine and post-Soviet states to the West. This was clearly seen in the hiring of Paul Manafort, Viktor Yanukovych's long-time political consultant by US presidential candidate Donald Trump. Trump's promise to ‘drain the (Washington) swamp’ rings hollow after it was revealed he accepted funds from a Ukrainian oligarch who had earlier donated funds to the Clinton's (Reader 2016).     

Private Governance and the South: lessons from global forest politics

Abstract

Private governance beyond the state is emerging as a prominent debate in International Relations, focusing on the activities of private non-state actors and the influences of private rules and standards. However, the conceptual framework of governance has until recently been employed predominantly with reference to the oecd world. Despite this restricted view, a growing number of processes, organisations and institutions are beginning to affect developing countries and new institutional settings open up avenues of influence for actors from the South. In the context of a lively debate about global governance and the transformation of world politics, this article asks: what influences does private governance have on developing countries, their societies and their economies? What influence do southern actors have in and through private governance arrangements? I argue that we can assess the specific impacts of private governance, as well as potential avenues of influence for actors from the South, with regard to three functional pathways: governance through regulation, governance through learning and discourse, and governance through integration. Focusing in particular on private governance in the global forest arena, I argue that, while southern actors have not benefited so much economically from private certification schemes, they have been partially empowered through cognitive and integrative processes of governance.     

Health care policy: lessons from the past and issues of the future

Liberal distributional values, the increasingly powerful capacity of medicine to provide more and better care, and concern about the health hazards of an industrial society fueled the vast expansion of the health care sector during the last 20 years. That growth was facilitated by a growing economy. The current health policy debate at one level reexamines the distributional bases of entitlement programs, and at another seeks alternative resource allocation mechanisms to reduce the cost of health care. This article has two themes. First, distributional and allocational policies are shown to be intrinsically related, so that the health policy debate is fundamentally a clash between liberal and libertarian values. Second, the inexorable social forces driving the health care system are shown to be the aging of the population and the rapid expansion of technology. The resulting dynamics imply the further growth of the health sector, now in the environment of a sluggish economy. Future policies will have to struggle with how to ration scarce health resources and how to reorient the health care sector to the problems of the aged.     

Turks and Tatars in Bulgaria and the Balkans

Generosity is the thought that comes to mind after hearing and later reading the five studies first presented at a symposium in Toronto (2 October 2008) and published here in this issue of Nationalities Papers. My colleagues, who span the disciplines of history, literary criticism, and political science, have been generous with the time they spent in composing their essays and then traveling to Toronto to deliver them in person, and they have been particularly generous in conveying a spirit of constructive criticism and self-reflection that represent the best aspects of our common intellectual enterprise. To each of you – George G. Grabowicz, Taras Kuzio (who initiated this symposium), Serhii Plokhy, Alexender J. Motyl, and Dominique Arel – I express my deep appreciation for your generosity of mind and spirit.     

Nationality and Nationalism in Africa: the Uganda case

Depuis 2006 et l'exode de migrants ouest-africains tentant de rejoindre l'Europe à bord de pirogues, la lutte contre l'émigration clandestine a été mise à l'agenda des relations afro-européennes. A partir de l'étude du tissu associatif et non-gouvernemental sénégalais, plus particulièrement d'une initiative féminine de la banlieue dakaroise, cet article souhaite revenir sur les conditions d'émergence et de possibilité d'un tel agenda et des mobilisations collectives y ayant trait. Le consensus relatif entre acteurs du Nord et du Sud concernant la lutte contre l'émigration irrégulière provient de l'articulation, dans une conjoncture d'urgence, de facteurs qui tiennent aux conditions structurelles d'insertion à l'international des acteurs du Sud, d'effets d'aubaine et de cadrages interprétatifs rendus compatibles. L'internationalisation d'acteurs sénégalais en charge de cet agenda a alors eu pour conséquences de générer un registre d'action victimaire, contraignant toute action protestataire, et de nourrir factionnalisme et concurrence au sein des champs associatif et politique, locaux et nationaux.     

"布什主义"与美国民族主义

"布什主义"就是现任美国总统小布什所主张的先发制人、单边主义、追求美国仁慈的霸权以及运用美国的军事力量在世界上推进民主的外交政策.它具有四大特征:坚信一个国家的政体决定其外交政策,并以此认定改变一些国家的政体有益于世界稳定与和平;