Playing fair: fairness beliefs and health policy preferences in the United States

Conventional wisdom suggests that the best way to persuade Americans to support changes in health care policy is to appeal to their self-interest - particularly to concerns about their economic and health security. An alternative strategy, framing problems in the health care system to emphasize inequalities, could also, however, mobilize public support for policy change by activating underlying attitudes about the unfairness or injustice of these inequalities. In this article, we draw on original data from a nationally representative survey to describe Americans' beliefs about fairness in the health domain, including their perceptions of the fairness of particular inequalities in health and health care. We then assess the influence of these fairness considerations on opinions about the appropriate role of private actors versus government in providing health insurance. Respondents believe inequalities in access to and quality of health care are more unfair than unequal health outcomes. Even after taking into account self-interest considerations and the other usual suspects driving policy opinions, perceptions of the unfairness of inequalities in health care strongly influence respondents' preferences for government provision of health insurance.     

The Public Legitimacy of the National Assembly for Wales

This article examines the public legitimacy of the National Assembly for Wales. Both the Assembly and the broader system of devolved government for Wales initially enjoyed very limited public support. It is shown that support for devolution in general has risen substantially, while some elements of public attitudes towards the Assembly itself now appear distinctly positive. However, it is also demonstrated that public legitimacy, defined as ‘diffuse support’ for the Assembly, remains limited. The article then examines what factors explain levels of diffuse support for the National Assembly. It is found that variation in such support is best accounted for by factors associated with ‘non-material consequentialism’: perceptions of the impact of the Assembly on the process of government. The conclusion assesses the implications of the findings for the National Assembly, as well as for the study of devolution and political institutions more generally.     

Elections as Focusing Events: Explaining Attitudes Toward the Police and the Government in Comparative Perspective

Traditional views hold that citizens' attitudes toward the police are driven by local concerns. We contend that public attitudes toward the police are responsive to systematic and periodic national-level political factors. In particular, we show that national elections as a focusing event alter periodically the determinants of attitudes toward the police. Using a logistic regression model and diachronic data from Costa Rica, Mexico, and the United States, we find that attitudes toward the police and the national government are linked, and this linkage is responsive to the influence of national election campaigns in varying degrees. In addition, we find that attitudes toward the Mexican police are sensitive to partisan changes in the composition of the national political government. We find no such sensitivity in the police attitudes of Costa Rican and U.S. citizens. This suggests that police attitudes are not only affected by the performance of the national political government but also by the character (consolidated versus unconsolidated) of the national political government. In short, police attitudes in new democracies are an indication of the unconsolidated nature of the state apparatus.     

ETHNIC THREAT AND SOCIAL CONTROL: EXAMINING PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR JUDICIAL USE OF ETHNICITY IN PUNISHMENT*

Research on social inequality in punishment has focused for a long time on the complex relationship among race, ethnicity, and criminal sentencing, with a particular interest in the theoretical importance that group threat plays in the exercise of social control in society. Prior research typically relies on aggregate measures of group threat and focuses on racial rather than on ethnic group composition. The current study uses data from a nationally representative sample of U.S. residents to investigate the influence of more proximate and diverse measures of ethnic group threat, examining public support for the judicial use of ethnic considerations in sentencing. Findings indicate that both aggregate and perceptual measures of threat influence popular support for ethnic disparity in punishment and that individual perceptions of criminal and economic threat are particularly important. Moreover, we find that perceived threat is conditioned by aggregate group threat contexts. Findings are discussed in relation to the growing Hispanic population in the rapidly changing demographic structure of U.S. society.     

Brute Force (Anti) Federalism

States are engaging in brute force (anti) federalism, where both sides of the political spectrum push agendas that extend beyond the Founder's early ideal of balanced federalism, using popular support and special interest groups' interests as their springboard. These trial-and-error tactics increase vertical and interstate horizontal frictions, create political and economic challenges for businesses, and increase American polarization. However, they also allow states the opportunity to force an increasingly stalemated federal government into action. This article introduces the concept of brute force (anti) federalism by first examining the evolution of modern federalism. It then offers a sampling of state brute force efforts, analyzes the effect of popular momentum and special interest groups on state political activity, advances broad-based perspectives surrounding brute force (anti) federalism, and poses additional questions to be considered.     

Structural Reform Policy: Privatisation and Beyond—The Case of Greece

Privatisation, coupled with liberalisation and competition, constitutes one of the most popular policy options to improve the performance of state-owned enterprises. However, in Greece, it was only after 1991 that privatisation started to gain ground in the political and economic agendas of governments. Drawing upon the theoretical underpinnings of privatisation, the paper overviews and critically analyses the new legal framework on denationalisation in Greece. The paper argues that, though the modernisation of the legal regime is welcomed, the Greek government has failed to treat privatisation as part of wider structural reforms aiming at enhancing competition and foreign investment. The paper concludes that wider structural reforms, including regulatory reform and liberalisation, as well as combating corruption and bureaucracy and promoting transparent capital markets, are absolutely necessary in order to create a competitive environment, which would both complement and support privatisation efforts.     

Toward Reform of Defamation Law in the British Caribbean: Efforts at Reform in the United Kingdom and Jamaica

The ongoing review of defamation laws by the Jamaican government has sharpened the focus on the need to identify appropriate standards for public officials in libel actions in light of the growing recognition of a need for transparency. Conventional wisdom speaks to the indispensable role of the media to inform the public of government activities to facilitate the democratic process. Jamaica's unique history of colonialism, underdevelopment and poverty has led to a political system based on pork barrel economics – inimical to government transparency so necessary in a democracy. This article explores how British, Caribbean and U.S. jurisdictions have sought to manage the paradigm shift between the right to reputation and the need to ensure responsible and accountable governance. The aim is to identify a path of reform for Caribbean defamation law that ensures greater public official accountability and better incorporates twenty-first century notions of democracy.     

Social Justice Attitudes and Their Demographic Correlates Among a Nationally Representative Sample of U.S. Adolescents

Compared to extant studies, this study uses more rigorous analyses to describe social justice attitudes and their correlates among a nationally representative sample of 2,811 U.S. ninth-graders. Females and adolescents with more educated mothers tended to express more support for social justice. Strikingly, about 90 % of adolescents believed that equal opportunity to obtain a good education exists in the U.S. Adolescents were also more likely to support abstract social justice principles rather than solutions that promote social justice: about 80 % agreed that all races and genders should have equal opportunities, but only 55 % reported that government should be responsible for individuals’ economic needs. Differences between U.S. adolescents’ and adults’ attitudes are noted, and implications for future research are presented.     

新公共管理理论对我国建设服务型政府的启示

新公共管理理论是西方国家在特定的政治、经济和科学技术发展下的政府管理改革的必然产物,它在一定程度上反映了西方公共行政改革的发展态势,也在一定程度上促进了西方各国经济和社会的发展,在缓解经济和政治危机方面取得了巨大成效。目前,我国正在进行服务型政府建设,因此,有必要借鉴西方新公共管理的某些理论来推动我国的服务型政府建设。     

Experience Versus Expectation: Economic Insecurity,the Great Recession,and Support for the Death Penalty

Scholars have theorized that people who report past economic hardship and those who forecast future economic instability will be more likely to support punitive criminal justice policies than those who do not. Only recently have researchers begun to empirically examine this association, and the findings from this small literature have been highly inconsistent. The current study contributes to this line of inquiry by investigating a uniquely rich set of economic insecurity measures included in a very large national survey (N = 9,060) fielded during a time period of special theoretical salience: the Great Recession of 2007–2009. Specifically, using survey data from the Cooperative Campaign Analysis Project, we explore the effects of experienced and expected personal, vicarious, and societal economic insecurity on support for the death penalty. Contrary to the hypotheses, expectations of future economic insecurity are negatively associated with death penalty support, but this relationship is conditional on respondents’ demographics.     

Threat,emboldenment, or both? The effects of political power on violent hate crimes*

How do expressions of support or opposition by the U.S. federal government, influence violent hate crimes against specific racial and ethnic minorities? In this article, we test two hypotheses derived from Blalock's (1967) conceptualization of intergroup power contests. The political threat hypothesis predicts that positive government attention toward specific groups would lead to more hateful violence directed against them. The emboldenment hypothesis predicts that negative government attention toward specific groups would also lead to more hateful violence directed against them. Using combined data on U.S. government actions and federal hate crime statistics from 1992 through 2012, vector autoregression models provide support for both hypotheses, depending on the protected group involved. We conclude that during this period, African Americans were more vulnerable to hate crimes motivated by political threat, and Latinx persons were more vulnerable to hate crimes motivated by emboldenment.     

MAGNA CARTA AND THE AMERICAN POLITICAL IMAGINATION: TWO INSTANCES OF HABEAS CORPUS VINDICATED

Magna Carta has long been understood as a source of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and especially its enshrinement of the writ of habeas corpus — the right of any prisoner to test his or her detention according to the law. In the “Suspension Clause” of the U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section 8), Congress is granted permission to suspend habeas corpus only “when in cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.” This article surveys two failed attempts by the U.S. government to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. The first (which was actually the very first such attempt) was in 1807 and followed revelations of the so-called Burr Conspiracy. The second (incidentally the most recent in American history) occurred during the War on Terror and culminated with the Supreme Court’s decision of Boumediene vs Bush in 2008. A close examination of these two historical episodes reveals just how different were the constitutional processes of the early republic and contemporary times. Additionally, comparing the uses of Magna Carta during the two episodes demonstrates marked changes in American political culture. Historical consciousness, vital to early Americans’ understanding of their political system, has shifted to an elite level. Likewise, the protection of fundamental liberties has migrated from the popular branch of government (Congress) to the elite one (the Supreme Court). This article considers the implication of this shift in both constitutional processes and historical consciousness.     

Red state, blue state, flu state: media self-selection and partisan gaps in Swine flu vaccinations

This study assesses the relationship between political partisanship and attitudes and behavior with respect to the H1N1 virus (swine flu) crisis of 2009 in general, and the U.S. mass vaccination program in particular. I argue that even seemingly nonpartisan political issues like public health are increasingly characterized by partisan polarization in public attitudes and that such polarization is attributable, at least partly, to the breakdown of the information commons that characterized the U.S. mass media from roughly the 1950s until the early 1990s. In its place has arisen an increasingly fragmented and niche-oriented media marketplace in which individuals are better able to limit their information exposure to attitudes and opinions that reinforce, rather than challenge, their preexisting beliefs. I test my argument against a variety of data sources, including opinion surveys and state-level swine flu vaccination rate data.     

The changing process and politics of health policy in Korea

Korea recently introduced three major health care reforms: in financing (1999), pharmaceuticals (2000), and provider payment (2001). In these three reforms, new government policies merged more than 350 health insurance societies into a single payer, separated drug prescribing by physicians from dispensing by pharmacists, and attempted to introduce a new prospective payment system. This essay compares the three reforms in Korea and draws important lessons about the country's changing process and politics of health care policy. The change of government, the president's keen interest in health policy, and democratization in the public policy process toward a more pluralist context opened a policy window for reform. Civic groups played an active role in the policy process by shaping the proposals for reform-a major change from the previous policy process that was dominated by government bureaucrats. The three reforms also showed important differences in the role of interest groups. Strong support by the rural population and labor unions contributed to the financing reform. In the pharmaceutical reform, which was a big threat to physician income, the president and civic groups succeeded in quickly setting the reform agenda; the medical profession was unable to block the adoption of the reform but their strikes influenced the content of the reform during implementation. Physician strikes also helped block the implementation of the payment reform. Future reform efforts in Korea will need to consider the political management of vested interest groups and the design of strategies for both scope and sequencing of policy reforms.     

The Public as a Limit to Technology Transfer: The Influence of Knowledge and Beliefs in Attitudes towards Biotechnology in the UK

Transferring knowledge on new biotechnology applications in the European Union is restricted by limited public support. Explanations for this limited support lead us to examine the influence of knowledge and beliefs in shifting attitudes towards the uncertain consequences of unknown technologies. In addition, this paper looks at the role of perceptions of uncertainty as well as information channels. We denote as “knowledgeable” those attitudes that are held by informed individuals and as “rational irrational” those attitudes purely reflecting political and moral beliefs. The empirical analysis employs data from a UK sample of the 1999 Eurobarometer Survey 52.1. Results suggest that improving knowledge systematically raises individual support for clinical biotech applications such as animal cloning, while attitudes towards market-oriented biotech such as GM food remain systematically unaltered. When controlling for knowledge, significant factors within information channels were gender, perceptions of risk and, in certain applications, religiosity. Findings also support the hypothesis that knowledge driven attitudes arise from those applications where knowledge is shifted by perceived experience and thus perceived information costs are small. An erratum to this article is available at .     

SUSPICION AND SECRECY: POLITICAL ATTITUDES AND THEIR RELATIONSHIP TO SUPPORT FOR FREEDOM OF INFORMATION

Public attitudes toward government transparency can affect freedom of information policies, laws and even, perhaps, court rulings. Relatively little research, however, has identified factors that explain and predict public support for open government, an essential element of democracy, journalism and freedom of information law and policy. This survey-based study examines how political psychographic factors, such as skepticism, cynicism, apathy, complacency, liberalism and external efficacy relate to support for government transparency in principle. Results from a random-digit-dial telephone survey of Washington state residents (N = 416) indicate that skepticism, cynicism and political liberal values predict support for government transparency. Implications discussed include the importance of cynicism and skepticism in political decision-making, as well as the role of critical thinking and the questioning of authority in the development of freedom of information law and policy.     

The Deterioration of Democratic Political Culture: Consequences of the Perception of Inequality

Using survey data from nine East European members of the European Union, I find that citizens’ political and social disengagement is strongly related to their perceptions of inequalities in society. Specifically, individuals’ perceptions that income and social inequalities are excessive clearly coordinates with lower levels of trust and political efficacy, as well as higher levels of both a general suspicion of others and political apathy. This is troubling as these attitudes and orientations are part of what constitute a healthy democratic political culture and thus germane to the long-term legitimacy of both national and EU governance. Further, in contrast to much of the work on inequality, this effect is neither contingent on individuals’ income levels nor clearly linked to national-level economic indicators.     

关于完善我国公安机关应急处置模式的思考

在我国已经启动全面建设小康社会伟大工程,不断推进现代化建设进程,日益加快政治与经济体制改革步伐的过程中,国际社会和国内现实越来越凸显的时代需求是转变政府执政观念,完善政府管理体制,规范行政行为运行机制,提升政府公共管理水平和服务效益,其中尤为重要的一项基础性建设就是尽快建立和完善政府应急机制,加强政府应对突发事件的管理能力,以保障社会发展秩序和公民生活环境的良性氛围。公安应急处置机制要从学理上做出理性界定,重点在于结合我国公安机关现实状况分析并勾勒了公安应急机制建设的基本范式和关键技术,着力点是提出了适应我国具体国情的公安应急处置模式建设的思维方式和可操作路径。     

美国医疗保险制度改革的历史考察与理论检省

医疗保险法制改革是困扰世界各国的难题,而美国从20世纪初叶开始起步、至奥巴马完成的医疗保险制度的改革,充分考虑到美国的社会需求,走公私结合,政府强力推行和改革内容适当妥协相辅,革命性和渐进性兼顾的医保改革的道路,并在政府干预与市场自由的适度制度构架、多元利益(权利)的平衡妥协、政治精英与民众及媒体的协商互动等方面,形成了独具特色的公共政策制定路线和合法性供给策略。奥巴马"医改"法案的成功实施,不仅实现了美国医疗保险制度的重大突破,也为中国的医疗保险制度改革提供了有益的借鉴。