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Information privacy, the privacy of personally identifiable data held by organizations, gained access to the federal policy agenda in the sixties. The passage of several legislative acts resulted in protection for information privacy in specific environments and circumstances. In 1974, the Privacy Act was passed, providing citizens limited protection for data held by agencies of the federal government. While the Privacy Act is the cornerstone of protection for citizens with regard to government-held data, the law has been less effective than its designers hoped it would be. One major deject of the law is the routine use clause, which has been subjected to broad interpretation and distortion, to the benefit of executive branch agencies which handle personally identifiable data. This article examines the issue of information privacy, with focus on the misuse of the routine use clause and subsequent implications for citizen privacy.  相似文献   

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提单产生于14世纪的欧洲,最初仅仅是一份货物收据。随着远洋运输与国际贸易的不断发展,承运人开始印制格式提单,并在提单背面记载大量免责条款。提单背面条款除了免贵条款外通常还有关于争议解决的仲裁条款。提单仲裁条款在海商法律制度中占有特殊的地位,是海上货物运输合同救济中一个重要环节。  相似文献   

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Four poems     

S. Lewis, B. Keating, D. Russel: Inconclusive by Design: Waste, Fraud and Abuse in Federal Environmental Research, Environmental Health Network: Harvey, LA and National Toxics Campaign Fund: Boston, MA, May 1992.

Darrow Schecter: Radical Theories: Paths Beyond Marxism and Social Democracy. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994.

Peter Freund and George Martin: The Ecology of the Automobile. New York: Black Rose Books, 1993.  相似文献   

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One of the defining features of post-reunified East German political culture has been an enduring affinity for socialism. Although firmly opposed to the pre-1989 one-party state, a sizeable majority of East Germans nevertheless continue to value socialism. Whilst much scholarly research has investigated the strength and depth of socialist values, as well as their sources, comparatively little is known about their consequences, about if and how socialist values matter. This article seeks to redress this by examining linkages between socialist values and political participation, asking whether socialist values are merely passive, romanticised expressions, the effects of which are largely benign, or whether they have real-life behavioural consequences for democracy. Exploring this question using ALLBUS data from East Germany, five hypotheses are tested at the individual level. The results strongly demonstrate that socialist values impact upon social capital and electoral behaviour.  相似文献   

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After Geneva     
《The Political quarterly》1955,26(4):319-322
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where he teaches planning theory. His research explores decision making, plan implementation, and organizations. His books include Evaluating Plan Implementationand Approaches to Planning.  相似文献   

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Paul Hollander 《Society》2012,49(4):373-378
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After Socialism     
David  Marquand 《Political studies》1993,41(S1):43-56
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After fen-phen     
Cowley G  Springen K 《Newsweek》1997,130(13):46-48
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Habtu  Alem 《Publius》2005,35(2):313-335
In 1991, Ethiopia's new leaders established a multiethnic federationthat provides for the right to secession. The secession clausewas incorporated for reasons of ideology and necessity. Thefederation consists of largely ethnic-based territorial unitsand encourages political parties to organize along ethnic lines.The Ethiopian case is a radical departure from most other federalsystems. This analysis focuses on (1) Ethiopia's secession clause,(2) the House of Federation, and (3) state-federal relations.The future of federalism in Ethiopia is unclear. The provisionsof a liberal democratic constitution conflict with the realityof authoritarian centralist practice and therefore jeopardizethe future of federalism. Although the secession clause hassymbolic value, it is unlikely that any Ethiopian governmentwould allow secession to take place.  相似文献   

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McGinn D  Raymond J  Henig S  Murr A 《Newsweek》2007,150(8-9):70-1, 74
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Thomas R. Dye 《Society》1984,21(5):15-17
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Marsh  Christopher 《Society》2011,48(3):247-250
The recent history of Russia and China show that eradicating religion from the face of the earth is no easy task. In both cases the regimes were effective only as long as they carried out repressive measures, and this success was limited to public displays of religion, not private belief. As soon as forced secularization ceased, desecularization began almost immediately. Religious belief did not simply return previous levels, but rather has in some cases, most notably China, begun to spread like never before. These facts should force us to reconsider the mechanisms of secularization and whether or not a secular world is not just likely, but even possible.  相似文献   

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Anger and After     
《The Political quarterly》2011,82(2):129-130
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After the Riots     
《The Political quarterly》2011,82(4):495-496
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