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罗马教廷在对待伪满洲国的问题上采取了两手策略,一方面极力在外交和法理层面上回避与伪满洲国之间的关系问题,另一方面又在事实上承认了伪满洲国的存在。吉林教区主教高德惠作为罗马教廷的实际代表与伪满当局合作,协助当局推行殖民主义政策,其在本质上已经成为日本殖民主义者的帮凶。  相似文献   

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自天主教传入拉美近500年的历史进程中,教会在拉美的政治-社会地位经历了三次根本性变化,与此相适应,其社会-政治立场也发生三次重要转变.三次变化和转变既是拉美政治发展进程的结果,又对这一进程产生了巨大影响.天主教会一直与拉关的政治发展进程有着密切联系,是该进程的重要组成部分.经过政治-社会地位的重大变化,天主教会虽已不再是拉美国家政治舞台上最强有力的竞争者,但仍能在一系列重大问题上发挥重要影响.  相似文献   

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Lan T. Chu 《Democratization》2013,20(3):631-654
Although history has shown us that the church plays a role in the political liberalization of non-democratic countries, the nature of the church's role and how it participates in politics has yet to be fully revealed. By revisiting the Polish Church's historic role in the collapse of communism, I argue that we have overestimated the church's effect on political liberalization in that case, which has led us to neglect or be prematurely disappointed in its role in the remaining communist countries such as in Cuba. Drawing from the Polish case, I conclude that the church's moral, self-limiting, and transnational character needs to be recognized and incorporated into a general theory of democratization. It is this aspect of the church that has helped it to remain active within remaining communist societies, and provide the moral support that is an integral part of political liberalization processes.  相似文献   

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193 0年的瓦加斯革命是巴西现代化进程的重要转折点 ,旧共和国的垮台为瓦加斯开辟了一个经济上的发展主义与政治上的威权主义相结合的时代 ,揭开了 2 0世纪巴西现代意义上的政治转型过程。在这期间 ,1 891年因政教分离而被迫退出政治中心的巴西天主教会 ,从支持 1 93 0年革命开始 ,以“布道者”与“政治家”的双重身份 ,或者说“披着布道者外衣的政治家”的身份 ,从“边缘化”逐步走向政治核心 ,深入影响巴西的政治转型 ,特别是 6 0年代后从威权向民主的转型过程。有些权威性的研究著作 (如亨廷顿的《第三波》和剑桥大学出版社出版的《剑桥…  相似文献   

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《Democratization》2013,20(4):58-76
The partial democracy in Hong Kong is an experiment with limited suffrage in a liberal, self-governing society. This article examines the impact of system dissatisfaction and fundamental cultural values on democratic legitimacy, using logistic regression analyses of data drawn from an electoral survey in 2000. It is found that widespread public dissatisfaction with the economic downturn has not been generalized to the abstract, structural level of regime legitimacy. Equally widespread discontent with the political situation matters; but it has strengthened public support for democracy, rather than weakened it. Finally, democratic legitimacy is grounded in liberal, post-material and individualist-competitive values. In recognition of the plausible durability of these fundamental cultural norms and in view of the relative lack of support for non-democratic alternatives and strong support for partial electoral reform, we conclude that Hong Kong is very likely to remain on track toward a fuller democracy by incremental steps.  相似文献   

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2014年5月,泰国军政府上台后,承诺将维护国家的和平稳定,促进社会和解,治理国家和进行全方位改革。而今,军政府关于3个阶段泰国民主路线图如期实施,但政府仍面临几个问题,如时间有限、经济未见好转、改革的阻力和矛盾等。笔者认为,泰国能否走出政变、还政于民、政治动荡、政变的恶性循环,从目前情况看有待观察。  相似文献   

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东正教与俄罗斯改革   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
东正教的复兴与当代俄罗斯改革具有互动性.东正教的复兴是俄罗斯社会变革的产物,同时,它对于俄罗斯新型政治经济体制的最终形成又产生着深远的影响.作为一种意识形态因素,东正教有助于俄罗斯中央权力的加强;作为一种信仰和道德因素,东正教是俄罗斯社会稳定和国家主权的忠实捍卫者.然而,东正教的伦理观对于转轨时期的俄罗斯经济却呈现出明显的不适应性,新的历史形势迫切要求俄罗斯东正教与现代社会接轨.  相似文献   

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The European Endowment for Democracy (EED) is a recently established instrument of democracy promotion intended to complement existing EU tools. Fashioned after the US National Endowment for Democracy, the EED’s privileged area of action is the European neighbourhood. Meant as a small rapid-response, actor-oriented ‘niche’ initiative, its main task is to select those actors, from both civil and political society able to produce a change in their country. The EED represents a step forward in the EU’s capacity to foster democracy, but does not necessarily go in the direction of more rationality and effectiveness. Not all EU member states support the EED with the same enthusiasm and it is still not clear how it fits into the EU’s overall democracy promotion architecture. Its actions may be successful in a very constrained timeframe. However, recent crises at the EU’s borders would seem to call for a strategy that takes into consideration systemic hindrances, post-regime change complexities, regional dynamics and finally rival plans of autocracy promotion.  相似文献   

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冷战结束后,联合国在众多国际领域的治理及其影响日益广泛,对联合国的民主问责便成为理论和现实中的一种必然要求.本文从联合国成员内部的民主、成员间民主和全球民主三个层次考察了联合国的民主之内涵.在此基础上阐述了联合国的民主治理及其治理机制完善的主要变革途径.  相似文献   

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《Orbis》2016,60(4):473-487
This article reviews the results of the 2016 presidential and legislative elections in Taiwan, in which the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won a sweeping victory. It identifies the likely reasons for the DPP's success and then explores the implications of the outcome for Taiwan's political future, relations with Mainland China, and relations with the United States.  相似文献   

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This article examines the development of the German community in Hong Kong between the 1840s and the outbreak of the First World War. It pays particular attention to the question of how the Germans, as a minority group in the crown colony, attempted to strike a good balance between integration and segregation, cultural assimilation and dissimilation, national identity and marginalization. Through investigating their social life, missionary activities and economic activities in Hong Kong, it shows that they, on the one hand, cooperated closely with the British who were in charge of key political and economic affairs, and on the other hand worked with the local Chinese on different social stratums. Although the unification of Germany in 1870 strengthened the sense of nationhood among German people in Hong Kong, they strove to strengthen the German cultural and economic network that already existed in and around the colony, without sacrificing their business and social interests which were interwoven with those of the British and the local Chinese. It is this strategy that enabled them to survive in Hong Kong until 1914.  相似文献   

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“The Centrality of Reciprocity to Communication and Democracy” by Dianne Rucinski. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 8, 2 (June 1991) 184–194.  相似文献   

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The role of Christian Democratic parties after World War II in helping to build stable parliamentary regimes in Western Europe deserves attention simply for their ability to survive. Such parties took root in Catholic countries and electorates and incorporated electoral organizations from the early twentieth century. After the war, Christian Democrats provided an alternative to the large Communist parties that were particularly strong in France and Italy. They also represented a link to the European past that was not implicated in the crimes of the Nazi era. Germany's Christian Democracy has proven the most successful of its kind. It moved beyond its original Catholic base to include a significant Protestant minority. And it has survived amidst the social and cultural changes and charges of corruption that have reduced their counterparts elsewhere to a secondary parliamentary force.  相似文献   

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