论民生保障与政府公共性的重塑

民生问题凸现在一定程度上是政府“公共性”缺失在民生领域的反映。改善民生状况，是中国社会目前十分迫切的问题。民生问题之解决与政府行为密切相关，解决民生问题，提高政府民生保障水平，必须重构政府公共性。重构政府公共性的途径，一是加强行政伦理建设，确立和弘扬公共精神；二是不断推进民主政治建设，大力加强法治政府建设；三是不断健全完善社会政策，加快发展社会事业；四是加快政府职能转变和服务型政府建设；五是不断提高公共政策的公共性。     

当前我国政策绩效的价值取向解读

理论上,政策绩效不同于政策结果之处在于它对其内在价值及其行为方式改变的特别关注,因而具有较强的价值意蕴.政策绩效在社会转型中的"应然"状态与"实然"现实之间的差别,就是政策问题存在的闭区间.在此基础上,公共政策的自由裁量权、公共政策的回应性、有效性、公共性、公民精神以及治理、善治等作为一种"绩效指标",对政策绩效及其实现程度等都有很大的影响.社会转型时期各种特质的社会问题的大量积聚、政府主导的政策模式、公民社会的不健全等,首先作为一种"自变量",影响着当下我国的现实政策绩效,某种程度上决定了公共政策的自由裁量权、回应性、有效性、公共性、公民精神等的存在形式和发生作用路径;另一方面,作为"因变量",它们被嵌入不同的制度运行、政策实践以及社会生活的各个环节中,成为一种既定的公共政策价值取向,决定着当下各种利益诉求、利益整合、利益分配、利益落实等的性质和内容.在技术和价值之间,政策绩效找到了其存在的基本空间.     

“三渔问题”与公共政策调整思路——辽东湾海蜇捕捞案例分析

辽东湾海蜇捕捞案例反映出典型的以渔业资源枯竭,渔民生活困难,渔村经济薄弱为特征的"三渔问题".采用社会经济学原理和博弈论方法分析"资源公有 私人抢捕"(对应"公地悲剧 囚徒困境")的典型经济与社会问题,特别是海蜇捕捞冲突的机理与协调问题,探讨如何建立有效的社会协调机制,实现规范的公共管理.辽东湾海蜇捕捞违捕现象连年发生,已经形成了一种"动态稳定状态",说明海蜇捕捞这一公共管理事物出现了一定程度的市场失灵和一定程度的政府失灵现象.其中,产权问题是个核心问题.产权所有和使用可有四种基本组合:(1)资源公有 公共捕捞;(2)资源私有 私人捕捞;(3)资源公有 私人捕捞;(4)资源私有 公共捕捞.理论和现实都证明,第一种组合效率低下;第二种组合在不少国家为常态;第三种组合最容易出现"公地悲剧",这也是辽东湾的现实.但研究发现,海蜇资源具有较强的"竞争性"和"排他性",悲剧是可以避免的;第四种组合似乎没有可行性,但只要解决了"排他性"问题,很可能也是一种选择.     

"Publics" Administration and the Ethics of Particularity

Ethical orientations that emphasize universal duties, ideals, and values are well known to public administrators. We pay attention to principle, policy, ideals, shared goals, and the provision of a variety of commonly held values, such as clean air and water, mosquito abatement, and public recreation. The word "public" often seems to be a synonym for "universal." However, this article explores particularity in ethics, especially as it applies to the life of the public servant. It identifies three distinct orientations that focus on the concrete—as opposed to the abstract—and it shows how the exceptional cases are not administrative problems; rather they provide a reality check for public administrators who suppose rules, plans, and programs to be their primary orientation toward the management of public concerns.     

西方“整体政府”改革：理论、实践及启示

20世纪90年代中后期,西方各国进行了以"整体政府"为内容的第二轮政府改革运动。在理论上,西方"整体政府"改革既是对新公共管理反思与批判的结果,又是一定意识形态作用的产物,还与各种协作理论密切相关;"整体政府"已成为当代西方各国政府改革的新趋向,并形成了一种区别于传统官僚制和新公共管理模式的新型政府改革模式,即"整体政府"模式。该模式具有深刻的内涵、鲜明的特征和独特的治理结构。在实践上,"整体政府"改革具有丰富的内容,既有改革模式上的共性,又有具体操作中的国别特色,并形成了一种最佳实践模式。这一最佳实践模式具有独特的文化与哲学、新的工作方式、新的责任和激励机制,以及制定政策、设计方案和提供服务的新方式。西方"整体政府"改革对我国当前行政管理体制改革的进路具有三点启示:一是建立"内联"治理结构;二是发展"外协"合作关系;三是转变政府职能,建设和谐行政文化。     

简述江泽民的"三农"思想

江泽民同志对做好农业、农村、农民工作提出了一系列重要论述，深刻理解江泽民同志的“三农”思想，对于我们在新世纪新阶段进一步做好“三农”工作，扎实推进社会主义新农村建设具有重要意义。     

Interaction between States and Citizens in the Age of the Internet: "e-Government" in the United States, Britain, and the European Union

We examine the origins of the recent shift towards "e-government" in three cases: the United States, Britain, and the European Union. We set out three heuristic models of interaction between states and citizens that might underpin the practice of "e-government." Focusing on U.S., British, and European Union initiatives, we undertake a comparative analysis of the evolution of key policy statements on e-government reform in national (and supranational) government. We conclude that the democratic potential of the Internet has been marginalized as a result of the ways in which government use of such technology has been framed since the early 1990s. An executive-driven, "managerial" model of interaction has assumed dominance at the expense of "consultative" and "participatory" possibilities.     

人的抽象与人的现实——马克思视野中的"人"

马克思视野中的“人”是人的抽象和人的现实的统一。具体表现在人的抽象是人的现实的价值评判尺度和根本方法;人的现实是人的抽象的特殊表现;人的抽象在人的现实发展中生成。马克思关于人的抽象与以往传统人学中抽象的人有着根本的区别,其出发点和归宿点不同。马克思在这个问题上的根本变革在于两者在实践基础上达到了统一。马克思关于人的抽象和人的现实关系的学理层面的意义在于,人学研究要把人学的基础理论和人的现实问题结合起来;实践层面的意义在于,以人为本要实现共性和差异、整合和分解的统一。     

反思刑法“严打“方针维护社会长治久安

近20年来,全国范围内统一组织开展了3次"严打"运动,社会上对"严打"方式和效果都有不同看法.文章对此进行了全面的分析,认为国家根据社会治安情况,在一个时期对犯罪采取严厉的打击方针是有理论和实践根据的.但是,"严打"必须是一贯性的方针,而不能是临时性的措施;应当在法治范围内进行,而不应该冲破法律的限制;同时,对刑罚的功能也应当有个客观正确的评价,国家不能过分依赖刑罚治理社会.     

Debating Same-Sex Marriage: Lessons from <Emphasis Type="Italic">Loving</Emphasis>, <Emphasis Type="Italic">Roe</Emphasis>, and <Emphasis Type="Italic">Reynolds</Emphasis>

The United States Supreme Court, in its 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges decision, declared a constitutional right to same-sex marriage (SSM). With Republicans now controlling the Congress and presidency, and with value-traditionalists and ‘strict’ constitutionalists influencing the party’s legislative agenda and judicial nominees, Obergefell’s future and the contours of SSM rights are uncertain. Proponents assume the decision will delegitimate opponents, just as Loving v. Virginia (1967) accelerated the delegitimation of racial segregationists. SSM opponents counter with the Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling and argue that, like Roe, Obergefell undermines the democratic process, which is better suited to resolve a highly-charged moral dispute. Like Roe, Obergefell will not resolve the debate but, instead, trigger a durable opposition. We add a third possible path, drawing on the evolving public discourse on polygamy since the Supreme Court upheld prohibitions in Reynolds v. United States (1878). The politics of polygamy shows that, if SSM opponents are delegitimated, they may reemerge as legitimate participants in the public sphere. These paths offer insights into uncertainties, contingencies, and predictions regarding the durability of SSM resistance and other oppositional movements. They also lead to revisionist interpretations of the effect on public discourse flowing from these three seminal court decisions. The politics of interracial marriage (after Loving) shunned the losing political faction from the public forum, while those of abortion (after Roe), and, recently, polygamy, illustrate a more vibrant, pluralist model of deliberation. Whether SSM opponents will mimic a Roe model, or follow the trajectory of Loving or Reynolds, is now the question.     

The Dynamics of Abstract and Manifest Institutional Change: MITI and the Japanese "Economic Miracle" Reconsidered

Modern institutional theory specifies two different aspects of institutions. The first aspect—and by far the predominant perspective—sees institutions as recurrent patterns of behavior, values, norms and practices which guide social and political behavior. The second aspect refers to the manifest institutional systems of the state. These two sides of institutions are supposed to be mutually reinforcing. Thus, institutions are "embedded" in overarching systems of values at the same time as they "constrain" behavior. This article takes exactly the opposite approach and seeks to separate the two different meanings of institutions in order to explain changes in the effective capabilities of manifest institutions. Using the Japanese Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) as an empirical case, the argument advanced in the article is that variations in the institutional leverage and capacity of MITI can to a significant extent be explained by changes in the relationship between "abstract" and "manifest" institutions, i.e. the extent to which the institutional arrangement of the state reflects predominant systems of values, norms and beliefs in society. In addition to the vast literature on institutional theory, the article draws on a series of interviews with MITI senior officials between 1988 and 1996 as well as on the literature on Japanese political economy.     

Managing the "New Normalcy" with Values-Based Leadership: Lessons from Admiral James Loy

Tensions remain in adapting to the "new normalcy"—that is, the balance between national security and other democratic and administrative priorities in the aftermath of 9/11. Perhaps no one appreciates this balance more than Admiral James Loy. Immediately following the September 11 attacks, he left his post as commandant of the U.S. Coast Guard to accept the challenge of standing up the Transportation Security Administration. Next, Loy tackled the role of deputy secretary of the Department of Homeland Security. Loy's efforts to articulate a set of core organizational values in three organizational contexts offer lessons for public managers who seek to enhance internal cohesion. Strong cultural cohesion is expected to support organizational transformation and, ultimately, performance. Loy's example puts that connection to the test.     

Over the Top: Dutch Right-Wing Extremist Parties in the Elections of 1994

In 1994 three elections were held in the Netherlands. For a time it seemed that the right-wing extremist parties were destined to break out of their marginal position. However, after these three elections, in terms of electoral support they ended up where they had started. The variation in electoral support for these parties can only in part be attributed to developments within the parties and the (negative) publicity these developments incited in the media. An alternative explanation based upon protest voting and the theory of first and second-order elections appears more promising.     

The "Third-Worldization" of a "Second-World" Nation: De-development in Post-Communist Bulgaria

Post-Communist Bulgaria has fared rather poorly in the transition to a capitalist economy. By nearly every macroeconomic standard, it is in worse shape now than in the Communist past. Macroeconomic statistics show that the per capita GNP is sharply down, the social-safety net has all but disappeared, and even the physical survival of many impoverished Bulgarians is in serious peril. This article uses the political-economy approach to analyze the symptoms of sharp socioeconomic de-development, including the weakening of state capacity to perform even the most basic functions and responsibilities. The main conclusion is that in the global center-periphery structure, formerly "Second-World" Bulgaria is increasingly "Third-Worldized," that is, marginalized out of the international division of labor--a finding that raises doubts about the purported "success" of the transitions to capitalist economy in the former state-socialist countries.     

《校车安全条例(草案)》的政策议程分析——基于多源流模型的视角

校车安全问题何以进入决策者的视野是理解《校车安全条例(草案征求意见稿)》得以快速发布的关键。采用案例分析法,从多源流理论视角对校车安全的源流发展、焦点事件和政策行动者等方面进行整体分析,研究表明:校车安全政策议程是政策企业家在政策窗口开启之时推动问题、政策和政治三大源流汇合的结果。相比垃圾桶模型、触发机制模型和议程设置理论,多源流模型在本案例中更具解释力。同时,多源流模型面临中国情境,源流之间存在相关性,而非完全独立。拥有双重身份的政策企业家具有从政府机构中打开"政治窗口"的可能性,这为多源流模型的本土化应用与后续研究提供了一个可供考察的角度。最后,指出阻碍校车安全政策议程设置的主要因素包括,制度性利益表达通道不通畅、政府部门对焦点事件处理能力和水平不高、管理权限划分模糊。为此,应创建有效的制度性利益表达通道、积极关注媒体舆情,扩大问题来源、科学合理划分管理权限。这些问题及对策对于其他政策领域也具备一定的借鉴意义,这也是本研究对政策制定者的启迪所在。     

由文献分析古鲁国表达“重”之义的古今联系

扬雄《方言》中古鲁国表达"重"之义时使用"锤"这种说法;但今天的鲁西方言中表示"重"的含义已不再用"锤"这个词,而是使用"沉"和"坠"两种说法。那么,"锤""沉""坠"这三个词之间古今有什么样的联系呢?本文将在语音、语义方面,就这三个词的来源以及它们的同源词之间的联系进行引证比较,由文献分析,发现它们之间有必然的联系,是一组古今同义词。     

Explaining Institutional Change in Tough Cases of Collaboration: "Ideas" in the Blackfoot Watershed

Current theories of community-based collaborative governance arrangements rely on the presence (or absence) of certain antecedent community conditions as well as incentives for institutional change deriving from the sociopolitical and economic environment. The combination of antecedent conditions and incentives is helpful in understanding why collaboratives emerge and succeed in "easy" cases (strong incentives, conducive antecedent conditions). Yet the combination is of little help in understanding the institutional change puzzle for collaboratives in "tough" cases (strong incentives, poor antecedent conditions). Examination of a "tough" case in the Blackfoot watershed (Montana), which eventually blossomed into a successful collaborative, shows the importance of a particular set of new ideas, or shared norms, around which participants coalesced. These new ideas for understanding public problems, the community itself, and the relationships among stakeholders, became a broad conceptual framework for guiding stakeholder interaction as they attempted to manage the many public problems facing the watershed.     

The "common sense" of the nonprofit hospital tax exemption: a policy analysis.

Although rarely discussed prior to the 1985 Utah Supreme Court ruling against Intermountain Health Care Inc., the question of whether to grant tax exemptions to nonprofit hospitals is currently being debated by federal, state, and local legislators, and by the courts. Changes to current policy seem likely. This policy analysis: (1) presents the historical and legal background; (2) examines the economic, political, and organizational implications of current tax-exemption policy; and (3) offers three alternatives to this current policy. The analysis indicates that the current policy provides little incentive for nonprofit hospitals to make contributions of charity care. Of the alternatives, eliminating the exemption is not politically feasible at this time; regulating hospital operations and outputs portends an implementation nightmare; and tying tax subsidy levels to output levels of charity care--perhaps the strongest and most efficient incentive--would require an unlikely political consensus on what constitute valid and reliable measures of charity care. If there is a movement toward subsidies, then linking subsidy amounts to levels of charity care will depend on whether policy analysts can design satisfactory empirical measures. With the advent of universal health coverage, the demand for charity care will decrease. The problem for tax-exempt hospitals will then become justifying the exemption by demonstrating the extent to which they generate community benefits at no or reduced cost to society.     

Potemkin Villages: "The" Medium-Term Expenditure Framework in Developing Countries

By neglecting institutional and capacity considerations, medium-term expenditure framework (MTEF) introduction has produced in most developing countries elaborate facades of fiscal reform at high transaction costs without improving budgetary outcomes. There have been positive impacts: awareness of the need to look beyond the immediate urgencies; some encouragement of intragovernmental coordination; and initial orientation toward results. Negative impacts have been much heavier: little local ownership; distraction from basic budgeting problems; and severe strain on limited capacity. Unbundling "the" MTEF permits identifying the variant suitable to the specific country and the steps to gradually develop it: unlike a "programmatic MTEF," a simple "forecasting MTEF" is both feasible and useful.