从政治竞争看宪法法院在亚洲的不同命运——对韩国、印尼和泰国的比较分析

作为西方国家法治进步的产物,宪法法院在20世纪后期陆续进入亚洲国家,成为民主转型过程中重要的制度设计,但其实际效果却存在差异。韩国宪法法院在功能上呈现"多点开花"的态势,在民主、法治和人权等领域均表现良好。印尼宪法法院成功解决了总统选举过程中的争议,维护了基本的民主规则。相比之下,泰国宪法法院则经历了"高开低走"的蜕变。它在成立初期相对较好地履行了宪法赋予的职责,2006年之后却越来越深入地卷入到政治斗争之中,丧失了独立品格,做出了一系列明显违反法治精神的判决。对此,既有解释存在"西方中心主义"的弊端,而且难以同时解释宪法法院在建立和运行两个阶段的不同情况。作为一种以民主转型国家实践经验为基础的学说,政治竞争理论因其内生性、系统性的视角而具有更强的解释力。以该理论视角观察宪法法院在韩国、印尼和泰国的不同命运,在验证其科学性的同时,可以发现其中隐含的前提条件及其适用范围的有限性。     

Judicial alignment and criminal justice: evidence from Russian courts

This paper investigates the effect of informal ties between judges (as represented by regional court chairpersons) and prosecutors on the repressive implementation of criminal justice in Russia in the area of fraud convictions. The authors utilize criminal law statistics of Russian regional courts for 2006–2010 to determine the alignment between chairpersons and prosecutors by measuring the length of their mutual career paths. The informal ties have a strong impact on trial outcome, which, however, changes over time. During periods of high bureaucratic risks and uncertainty, regions with a higher extent of informal ties between judges and prosecutors exhibit more repressive law enforcement. If external risks decrease, informal coalitions seem to increase the independence of the courts, insulating them from bureaucratic pressures and limiting their repressiveness.     

Economic Governance on Trial: High Courts and Elected Leaders in Argentina and Brazil

Beginning in the 1980s, social and political actors across Latin America turned to courts in unprecedented numbers to contest economic policies. Very different patterns of high court–elected branch interaction over economic governance emerged across the region, with crucial implications for economic development, democratic governance, and the rule of law. Building on both institutional and strategic accounts of judicial politics, this article argues that high court “character,” a relatively stable congeries of informal institutional features, channels interbranch struggles into persistent patterns. Two case studies illustrate the argument. In Argentina, the high court's political character encouraged a pattern of court submission to elected leaders marked by periodic bouts of interbranch confrontation over economic governance. In Brazil, the high court's statesmanlike character induced interbranch accommodation. This study demonstrates that even in politically unstable settings, institutional features can shape law and politics.     

美国反托拉斯法协议裁决的司法审查制度研究

在1974年《滕尼法》颁布之前,美国联邦地区法院对司法部反托拉斯协议裁决的司法审查十分简单,发挥的是一种"橡皮图章"的作用。《滕尼法》及2004年该法修正案力图加强法院对司法部协议裁决的审查。在此后的司法审查实践中,法院完成了由"橡皮图章"向"论坛"的角色转变,但仍然给予司法部在协议裁决中的自由裁量权。《滕尼法》的立法史与判例史在某种程度上反映了在反托拉斯法实施中美国司法权与行政权的博弈关系,也表明了在反托拉斯执法中,美国司法权基于自身的局限性,对行政机关的自由裁量权以尊重与妥协。     

Evaluating UNMIT's Contribution to Establishing the Rule of Law in Timor-Leste

Timor-Leste began the democratic transformation process in the beginning of this century with a heavy past legacy of external domination. Since then, it has been experiencing many difficulties in its path towards democracy especially in what concerns one critical issue: the respect for the rule of law. Focusing on two important pillars of the rule of law—justice and security—this paper seeks to understand why has been so difficult to establish the rule of law in Timor-Leste.

The article initially provides a generic picture of the rule of law as an important dimension of the United Nations peacekeeping operations. It also aims to outline the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) capacity in strengthening the processes of peacebuilding and reforms in Timor-Leste, as well as on ensuring the credibility and integrity of institutions, such as the courts and the national police, which are serious challengers to the country's future. It concludes by providing some thoughts that can help to determine whether Timor-Leste is ready to look after its own security after 2013.     

Self-Restraint in Search of Legitimacy: The Reform of the Argentine Supreme Court

In 2003, the Argentine executive promoted a process of Supreme Court reform that entailed limiting presidential attributions in the selection of justices. Then the renewed court implemented changes to its internal procedures that increased its own accountability mechanisms. The literature on the politics of institutional judicial independence in Latin America has developed two explanatory models: one presents reforms as an insurance policy, the other as a consequence of divided government. Both perspectives conceive of reforms as a result of political competition and as a way to limit other actors, the future government in the first case, the party in power in the second. This study, by contrast, explains the Argentine reforms as movements of strategic self-restriction, designed to build legitimacy and credibility, for the government and the court, respectively, in a context of social and institutional crisis and pressure from civil society.     

Fragmentation of Power and the Emergence of an Effective Judiciary in Mexico, 1994–2002

Legal reforms that make judges independent from political pressures and empower them with judicial review do not make an effective judiciary. Something has to fill the gap between institutional design and effectiveness. When the executive and legislative powers react to an objectionable judicial decision, the judiciary may be weak and deferential; but coordination difficulties between the elected branches can loosen the constraints on courts. This article argues that the fragmentation of political power can enable a judiciary to rule against power holders' interests without being systematically challenged or ignored. This argument is tested with an analysis of the Mexican Supreme Court decisions against the PRI on constitutional cases from 1994 to 2002. The probability of the court's voting against the PRI increased as the PRI lost the majority in the Chamber of Deputies in 1997 and the presidency in 2000.     

De-Europeanisation in Turkey: The Case of the Rule of Law

Abstract

This article investigates the political dynamics shaping the post-2010 ‘de-Europeanisation’ of Turkey’s judicial system, particularly regarding judicial independence and rule of law. The analysis suggests the limits of conventional Europeanisation accounts emphasising causal factors such as European Union (EU) conditionality and the ‘lock-in effects’ of liberal reforms due to the benefits of EU accession. The article argues that the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP’s) bid for political hegemony resulted in the reversal of rule of law reforms. De-Europeanisation is discussed in terms of both legislative changes and the government’s observed discourse shift.     

Law clerks as an instrument of court–government accommodation under autocracy: the case of the Russian Constitutional Court

There is a normative expectation that constitutionalism does not co-exist well with autocracy. How do constitutional courts then uphold their integrity under authoritarianism? In this paper, I answer this question by taking the case of the Russian Constitutional Court (RCC) and showing how court–government accommodation in the new post-third wave autocracies can be achieved by limiting the amount of information the court receives from its secretariat. It follows from a detailed analysis of case selection in the RCC that the secretariat can function as an “insulator,” protecting the Court from political and reputational risks. The two features that make this possible are its invisibility to the judges and the clerks’ specific professional culture. The research is informed by an extensive series of in-depth interviews in the RCC, and benefits from the relocation of the RCC to St. Petersburg in 2008.     

Life after judgment: the Nokotyana case re-examined*

The progressive realisation of socio-economic rights as enshrined in South Africa’s Constitution remains a pipe dream for many poor and vulnerable people, 23 years after the collapse of apartheid. In the case of Nokotyana and Others v Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality and Others, the Constitutional Court (CC) decided on the interpretation of the rights of access to basic services such as sanitation and high mast lighting. In this case, community members from Harry Gwala informal settlement near Johannesburg compelled the state, through courts of law, to upgrade the settlement and to provide basic services. Although the CC did not engage with the content of the socio-economic rights claimed by the community, it did eventually order the state to upgrade the settlement within fourteen months of the judgment. This article discusses the extent to which the state complied with the judgement and what kinds of challenges were experienced in implementing the court order. Empirical data was collected through interviews with different actors. The findings highlight the complexities surrounding implementation of the court judgement.     

Suing the State in Russia

An expert on Russian law and politics uses statistical data as well as field-work in Moscow, Saratov, and Yekaterinburg to examine the uses of arbitrazh courts in Russia. Data on cases initiated by the state and by private enterprises are compared to determine whether there is a trend of increasing faith in the court system to fairly resolve disputes between private actors and the state.     

Are Russian Judges Still Soviet?

The Soviet model of judging incorporated an educational and political role for judges. In addition to resolving disputes, judges were expected to use cases as a way of inculcating Soviet values. They could sidestep the law when it conflicted with the interests of the state and/or the Communist Party. In recent years, reforms aimed at raising the status of judges and stripping away their Soviet veneer have been introduced. In theory, the introduction of the principle of adversarialism should shift responsibility away from judge and onto litigants. The article explores how these reforms have played out. It draws on field work in arbitrazh courts, including observations of judicial proceedings, conversations with judges and litigants, and review of case files.     

Lithuania's courts and the rule of law

Abstract

One of the legacies of the Soviet era is continued low levels of public trust in the Lithuanian courts. The problem is exacerbated by the need for greater competency and higher ethical standards for judges. Much has been done to redress these problems, but the most important factor in the consolidation of democracy in the judicial arena thus far has been the performance of the Constitutional Court. The Court has demonstrably strengthened the independence of the court system. At the same time it has extended human rights and respect for the law.     

Thailand’s Deep State,Royal Power and the Constitutional Court (1997–2015)

ABSTRACT

This article challenges the network monarchy approach and advocates for the use of the concept of Deep State. The Deep State also has the monarchy as its keystone, but is far more institutionalised than the network monarchy accounts for. The institutionalised character of the anti-democratic alliance is best demonstrated by the recent use of courts to hamper the rise of electoral politics in a process called judicialisation of politics. This article uses exclusive material from the minutes of the 1997 and 2007 constitution-drafting assemblies to substantiate the claim that the Deep State used royalists’ attempts to make the Constitutional Court a surrogate king for purposes of its own self-interested hegemonic preservation.     

俄罗斯电子司法研究

俄罗斯电子司法的理论基础已经成熟。电子司法不同于法院信息化,法院信息化是电子司法的前置阶段,电子司法有其独特的内涵。电子司法是电子国家的组成部分,是民主的实现方式之一,在透明度、便捷性、公开性等方面有独特的功能。俄罗斯电子司法的法律渊源分为3种:国家战略规划、法律、司法解释等。其中,国家战略规划是核心,对电子司法的发展起到了统筹和引领作用,法律和司法解释等则为电子司法实践提供具体的规则支撑。仲裁法院的电子司法一直走在前列,其以“我的仲裁”系统为中心的制度建设已经相对完善,普通法院也已取得了不菲的成就,目前俄罗斯的电子司法整体上已经达到了比较高的水平。但是,俄罗斯发展电子司法存在着不平等加剧、立法不足、技术带来新问题、物质保障缺乏等问题。俄罗斯各界就电子司法的问题提出了不同的解决方案,新冠肺炎疫情加深了俄罗斯民众对电子司法的认同,俄罗斯电子司法的前景可期。     

Selecting Constitutional Judges Randomly

This article discusses from the perspective of democratic theory an innovative proposal for the selection of constitutional, supreme court, or federal judges that aims at combining the values of expertise and political independence. It consists in combining a certification process – selecting a pool of properly qualified candidates – with a random selection among this pool. We argue that such selection procedure would better respect the separation of powers and the specific legitimacy of courts, and we champion this two‐stage mechanism vis‐à‐vis other, more traditionally employed, selection procedures. We then deal with a diversity of objections to our proposal and conclude by taking stock of both its virtues and limitations.     

Was there a rule of law in the late Ottoman Empire?

The rule of law is a widely used term in scholarship on Ottoman legal reforms. Nevertheless, the actual meaning of this notion is rarely clarified in the writing on the late Ottoman Empire although theorists of law have discussed the ambiguity of this term. This article aims at examining the value of the rule of law as an analytical category when discussing socio-legal change in the late Ottoman Empire. The article demonstrates that the rule of law can be a meaningful category for historical analysis when conceived through a ‘cultural perspective’ to the law.     

Can Politicians Control Bureaucrats? Applying Theories of Political Control to Argentina's Democracy

In the United States, an important literature shows that legislators use interest groups, courts, and budgets to assert political control over bureaucrats. Similar theories can be applied to study the scores of new democracies that have emerged in recent decades. In Argentina, politicians in the first administration of Carlos Menem (1989-95) rewrote administrative procedures and relied on both "police patrol" and "fire alarm" oversight to realign the behavior of tax bureaucrats in conformance with their own policy preferences. Whereas U.S. legislators generally prefer complex administrative procedures, different electoral incentives led their Argentine counterparts to support reforms that significantly streamlined those procedures. This finding challenges theories that attribute legislators' bureaucratic preferences to the separation or fusion of powers between the executive and legislative branches.     

Portrait of the Accused as a Young Man: New Zealand’s Harsh Treatment of Young People who Commit Serious Crimes

Abstract

This article argues that although New Zealand’s unique youth justice system generally considers the whole picture of a young offender and responds holistically to the offending, in the case of those accused of serious crimes, the system draws a limited picture that depicts the young offender as a ‘young adult’. These young people are sentenced in adult courts, where their youth, inexperience and potential for rehabilitation are far less influential than they are in a youth court. The result is harsh treatment of some extremely vulnerable young people, which breaches New Zealand’s international obligations. That harsh treatment is particularly problematic, given its hugely disproportionate effect on Māori youth.     

Coloured Judgements? The Work of the Thai Constitutional Court, 1998–2016

Created in 1997 as part of a major constitutional reform, Thailand’s Constitutional Court has since become embroiled in several high-profile political controversies. Since the 2006 coup, because a number of such decisions have favoured one political camp and considering obvious close and long-standing relations between judges and political elites, questions have arisen about the court’s ability to act as an independent arbiter. Is this view justifiable? To answer that question, this article first analyses how the court has behaved across political administrations in 32 high-profile cases since 2001. It then turns to the socio-biographic profile of the bench, the politics of nominations and changes to its composition, particularly since 2006. Finally, the article considers data on participants in classes offered by the Constitutional Court, which makes it possible to better understand the links between Thai political and judicial networks. The analysis finds evidence of politically biased voting patterns and increasingly partisan nominations to the court, though formally appointment procedures are apolitical, which suggests the politicisation of the court and growing ties between judicial and political elites. These findings raise new questions about the public’s perception of the Constitutional Court’s legitimacy and prospects for the rule of law.