国际体系转型与中国国际话语权提升战略

中国在国际体系转型的大背景下,提升国际话语权显得非常必要。中国经过改革开放30多年的发展,国家强劲崛起为国际话语权的提升提供了条件。中国可以从“中国特色”范式的形成、中国理论水平的提高、外交政策的调整及国际传播能力的增强等四个方面入手,提高自身的话语权。     

The Politics of Foreign Direct Investment in Authoritarian Regimes

While political scientists find that democracy reduces political risk, little scholarship analyzes how authoritarian regimes attract foreign direct investment (FDI). This article argues that while authoritarian countries are generally risky, this risk can be minimized when authoritarian regimes are constrained from both “above” and “below.” Signing international investment treaties are critical for authoritarian countries to signal a commitment to FDI-friendly policies. However, only authoritarian signatories that allow some degree of public deliberation in their policymaking are then constrained from deviating from the policies of the international investment treaties. Panel statistical regressions and a case analysis support the hypothesis.     

Experiencing Globalization: Active Teaching and Learning in International Political Economy

This article explores the teaching and learning challenges for the discipline of international studies (IS) that arise from the contemporary social, economic, and political changes usually labeled "globalization." The focus is upon the challenge posed to IS by a transformation in the nature of the relationship of teachers and students to the subject matter that they study: that is, teachers and students increasingly experience and contribute to globalization in the course of their daily lives as they simultaneously teach and learn about it. Significantly for the study of globalization in IS, pedagogical debates surrounding active teaching and learning highlight the potential for strategies that actively engage students' interests and everyday experiences with the subject itself. On this basis, the article outlines some potential routes into the active teaching and learning of globalization in the field of international political economy, illustrating these with examples from classroom activities and exercises.     

全球化对当代国际关系的影响

人类社会的全球化进程始于近代资本主义的对外扩张 ,西方资本主义国家在全球化的发展过程中始终扮演了推动者的作用。全球化的发展透视出一个以经济为中心 ,逐步向政治、文化等领域扩散的发展态势。西方国家在推动全球化发展的过程中 ,利用其资本、技术、信息和组织的优势 ,一直谋求把资本主义的经济模式、政治制度、价值观念和西方文化推向全球 ,构建西方发达国家主导的世界秩序。     

国际关系研究的话语权之争 ——兼论中国国际关系研究的学术自觉

二战以后,美国一直掌握着国际关系研究的话语霸权,塑造了国际关系研究的基本范式并从学理层面论证其霸权合法性。冷战结束以后,出于理论发展的需要与国际政治现实的挑战,国际关系研究逐渐呈现出多元化态势,欧洲国际关系研究在研究取向、研究方法、研究议题、理论流派等方面与美国展开了积极的话语权竞争,成就了“欧洲视角”,在一定程度上消解了美国的话语霸权。近年来,随着国际政治格局的调整与地缘政治重心的东移,国际关系研究的亚洲意识也逐渐觉醒,中国国际关系研究的自主性建设已初见成效,学术自觉与学术自信有所提升。但中国国际关系研究在话语权建设上存在诸多不足,应进一步强化学科内涵建设,推动理论创新;寻找西方学术话语体系的突破口,挖掘新的研究支点;拓展话语平台,为外交话语体系提供学术支撑。只有制定正确的话语权战略并付诸实施,才能从根本上提升中国国际关系研究的竞争力。     

国际语境中的政治安全与弱国的治理困境

国际语境中的政治安全日益呈现出一种以国家主权为核心,既分门别类又相互联结的"多流模式"。在全球化时代背景下,弱国对国际安全的整体影响愈益提升,弱国政治安全动态以其对政权安全的追求及其与公共安全间的张力为核心,关涉"统治精英及其支持机制的统治免于主要来自内部的威胁"的"政权安全"遂构成弱国政治安全的特定称呼。弱国政治安全的核心逻辑形成于弱国政权对"短期政权安全追求与长期国家建设间的深刻矛盾"的"弱国政治安全治理困境"的应对。弱国政治安全困境的治理离不开对政权安全与人的安全的智慧融合。此种困境具有长期性,在其驱动之下,弱国政治安全的理论探索表现出弱国联盟与安全区域主义等议题的演进,而其进一步的发展则离不开对弱国语境的领会,围绕弱国政权安全的模式和相关的内外政策,探索弱国政治安全对"软权力"的追求、弱国政治安全对特定国家安全观的推动等问题。     

Unpacking Autocracy: Political Regimes and IMF Program Participation

Why do some countries participate in IMF programs while others refuse to do so? We suggest an answer to the question by unpacking one side of the typical democracy–autocracy dichotomy. Specifically, we utilize the growing literature on the varieties of authoritarianism to develop an argument linking the different incentives and constraints that leaders in party-based, personalist, and military regimes face when considering whether to sign agreements with the IMF. Empirically, we demonstrate that distinguishing among autocracies uncovers important variations in the sensitivity of such regimes to the political costs incurred by IMF participation. Party-based autocracies, for instance, respond to both sovereignty costs and the benefits of program participation during severe economic crises. Personalist regimes, however, are not sensitive to the sovereignty costs incurred with IMF participation and thus only participate when doing so provides needed revenue during economic crises. The unique features of military juntas, by contrast, suggests that such regimes are not sensitive to either of these political costs and thus do not respond to economic crises in the same way as their autocratic counterparts.     

Survey Research in International Political Economy: Motivations,Designs, Methods

The use of surveys and survey experiments by international political economy scholars is increasing, adding to the ability to study a broad array of topics. In doing so, many scholars in international political economy draw on—and are contributing to—insights and arguments from American politics and comparative politics (Milner 1998), substantive fields with a history of using surveys and survey experiments. In this article, I review motivations for using surveys and survey experiments, the research designs, and analysis strategies in light of this issue’s contributions. I contrast these motivations and their accompanying designs and discuss the pros and cons of ways to approach the data generated by these research designs. The goal of this commentary is to situate surveys and survey experiments—especially those within the special issue—within a larger discussion about research motivations, design, and analysis techniques.     

Introduction: Survey and Experimental Research in International Political Economy

Studies in international political economy (IPE) that use survey-response data sets and survey (or field) experiments have grown dramatically in recent years. New developments in survey and experimental methodology have arguably influenced IPE scholars not only to think more deeply about the microfoundations of the preferences, attitudes, and political behavior of key IPE actors but also to use survey or experimental methods to test causal claims and predictions. Yet the reasons for the rapid growth in survey and experimental methods in IPE are more multifaceted. We therefore seek to answer the following three pertinent questions in the introduction. First, what are the main substantive puzzles and issue-areas that IPE scholars analyze via survey and experimental methods in their research? Second, what are the main methodological advantages and drawbacks from using survey and experimental methods in IPE? Third, what are the key substantive theoretical and empirical insights that scholars have learned from recent research in IPE that employs either survey or experimental methods (or both)? In addition to answering these questions here, we also provide a summary of each article included in the special issue. The introduction concludes with a road map for future studies on survey and experimental research in IPE.     

States and their international relations since 1816: introducing version 2 of the International System(s) Dataset (ISD)

ABSTRACT

We introduce version 2 of the International System(s) Dataset (ISD), a register of sovereign states across the 1816–2016 period that include numerous states that are missed in commonly used datasets like the Correlates of War (COW) Project. Whereas ISD version 1 identified 363 states between 1816 and 2011, version 2 identifies 482. This version also records valuable information on a range of corollary variables, including start dates, end dates, estimated population sizes, diplomatic relations with Europe, conflict episodes, the existence of borders, and the location of capital cities. This dataset makes an important contribution to the study of international relations. It provides a more accurate understanding of the development of the international system over the last two centuries, it moves beyond the Eurocentric bias that sits at the heart of existing quantitative IR scholarship, and it will enable scholars to pursue a range of research topics such as the historical importance of state borders and boundaries, the practices surrounding recognition, and the frequency and intensity of conflict across regions. In this article, we discuss the existing state system membership lists and show how the ISD addresses their shortcomings. We outline the key concept and operationalization of statehood that the ISD adopts. We detail the variables included in this version of the ISD, discuss the data collection process, and show temporal and spatial distributions that illustrate the uniqueness of the ISD. Finally, we demonstrate the utility of bringing the ISD into one of many potential research topics: the study of conflict.     

Comic Relief: Using Political Cartoons in the Classroom

Political cartoons are an excellent classroom tool to build students' critical thinking skills, to generate lively classroom discussions, and to get students excited about politics. Cartoons should be treated as serious commentary on political affairs. Interpreting a cartoon requires that the viewer be familiar with current issues and debates, savvy about the cultural context, and capable of analytical judgments. This technique capitalizes on the visual learning style of many students and interjects an added interactive dimension to classroom discussions. This article discusses some of the challenges of using cartoons in the classroom, including where to locate them. The text is accompanied by several representative cartoons.     

南海共同开发的国际政治经济学

本文试图用国际政治经济学的视角对南海共同开发这一问题做出分析,分析政治解决模式的局限性和国际政治经济学解决模式的优越性和良好前景。     

Peace at a Price: Strategic Studies of Current International Security and War Issues

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the World War II and the victory of the Anti-Fascist War. The WWII is an unprecedented disaster for humanity and, however, it can never be guaranteed that world wars will not break out again in the future. Just as wars can be classified as cold wars and hot wars, peace can also be defined as cold peace and real peace. Cold Peace, as an unstable state in the international relations, may bring misleading perception of peace, where peace is taken for granted, and potential crises may lead to international conflicts/ wars. This is clearly reflected in concerns of western scholars as exemplified by what is called Kissinger’s Worry and Haass’s Question. This paper approaches the question from a strategic and historical perspective and draws the following three conclusions: 1) historically, it takes a long time for people to realize the negative impacts of wars; 2) currently, we are in a dangerous stage of cold peace in terms of international security; 3) the Sino-US and Sino-Japanese relations will be crucial to the major power relations that affect China’s the national security in the future. China should find ways to deal with the two major relations and play its role in maintaining the world peace.     

和平不是必然:对当前国际安全与战争问题的战略反思

2015年是人类空前的浩劫——第二次世界大战结束70周年。二战的破坏可谓空前,但其是否绝后,却还有待观察与思考。正如我们可以把战争分为"热战"与"冷战"一样,和平同样也可分为"冷和平"(假和平)与"真和平"。"冷和平"是一种非常不稳定的国际关系状态,"冷和平"容易给人以和平的假象,以为和平就是必然的,战争离我们很远,从而使得某些中小国家容易"任性",大国容易缺乏包容,低端政治问题容易"越位",这反而容易酿成真正的大危机与大危险。近期西方战略学者发出的"基辛格之忧"与"哈斯之问"也反映了对"冷和平"的忧虑。国际社会如果对"冷和平"状态认识不够、处置不当,则有可能导致国际战争的再现与和平的终结。从历史、现实、未来三个维度,结合中国的国家安全与大国博弈的背景,对国际安全与战争问题做战略思考,可以发现:从历史维度来看,人们对国际战争的认识经历了一个历史过程;从现实维度来看,当前中小国家"任性"乱为,大国博弈暗流涌动,"冷和平"状态令人担忧;从未来维度来看,中美关系与中日关系是影响中国国家安全的最重要的大国关系因素,也是中国对国际战争问题进行战略思考与未来展望时所无法回避的。中国要妥善谨慎地处理好中美关系与中日关系,未来爱好和平的中国将会成为遏制国际战争的重要力量。     

国际海底区域内活动的 担保国的赔偿责任

1982年《联合国海洋法公约》（简称《公约》）为缔约国规定了确保其所担保的个人和实体在进行国际海底区域内活动时遵守《公约》相关规定的义务以及对所担保的承包者没有遵守其义务而造成的损害承担赔偿责任。然而,担保国的此种赔偿责任并非严格责任。只有当同时满足以下条件时担保国才应对其所担保的承包者造成的损害承担责任：担保国未按照《公约》履行其确保遵守的义务;所担保的承包者没有遵守其义务并因此造成损害;担保国的不履行与损害发生之间存在因果关系。在担保国需要承担赔偿责任的情况下,其责任的上限是其所担保的承包者的不法行为造成的“实际损害”,同时还应考虑管理局和对有关活动行使管辖或控制的国家的潜在责任。然而,担保国和承包者并不承担连带责任,担保国赔偿责任的存在并不影响承包者承担和履行其赔偿责任。承包者应先于担保国履行赔偿责任,而只有在承包者不能完全赔偿其应负责的损害时,担保国才有义务对未能赔偿的损害部分承担剩余责任。由于担保国根据《公约》承担的确保遵守的义务是一种“行为义务”,而并非杜绝损害发生的“结果义务”,因此,如果担保国已经履行了公约规定的尽责义务,那么即使发生损害,也不应要求其承担责任。     

Regime and Power in International Terror Crises: Strong Democracies Fight Back Hard

This study explores regime, power, and violence in international terror crises (ITCs). It examines terror strikes and retaliations against the terror groups and their hosts. The exploration tests two hypotheses: first, democracies, like other states, retaliate, even at the risk of escalation; and second, strong democracies fight back with massive violence as do authoritarian regimes. Historical narratives of ITCs from 1934 to 2006 show that strong democracies were the most common targets of terror. Like authoritarian states, they responded to terror, but were the most violent retaliators, followed by weaker states, democratic or not. So the democratic constraints affect weaker states more than stronger ones. These trends draw attention to the destabilizing nature of international terror and its challenge to the peaceful resolution of international disputes.     

从中东变局透视国际秩序的演变

中东动荡不仅是该地区国家政治和社会发展历史进程的一部分,而且还深刻反映了国际秩序的调整与变化。冷战结束以来,国际环境的迅速变化以及世界政治经济权势的快速转移是诱发中东变局的重要原因之一。从时机上看,美国中东战略的收缩,为中东变革运动的兴起提供了可能;从发展上看,全球化的深入发展,拉大了中东与世界其他地区的差距;从理念和制度建设上看,改革创新的时代精神对缺乏机制和制度创新动力和能力的中东国家形成了巨大冲击。而正在转变中的国际秩序以及世界权力结构的变化趋势,也必将对未来中东地区秩序重构及各国政治及社会转型产生重要影响。     

国际安全视域下的网络文化与网络空间软实力

网络文化不是纯粹的文化问题和文化现象,而是与安全具有广泛的内在联系。在网络空间本身已经全球化的时代,有必要从国际安全的视角审视网络文化。理想的网络文化是一个能够维系自身运转、净化和完善的体系,具有三个与安全相关的功能:传递功能(以信息技术实力确保信息文化流动的顺畅和安全)、纠正功能(纠正错误信息和越轨行为)和塑造功能(塑造观念、行为方式和组织方式)。这三个功能分别对应三种类型的国家软实力:第一,以信息传播和文化内容为基础的网络空间软实力,主要是指信息传播实力和网络文化产品的吸引力。第二,以外交劝说和外交质量为基础的网络空间软实力,即运用传统外交和公共外交等方式纠正有危害性的信息和越轨行为的能力。第三,以国家利益和国际道义为基础的网络空间软实力,指建构国家文化、国家形象和国际声誉的能力。网络空间软实力是数字化时代国家综合国力的重要组成部分,也将成为未来国力竞争的焦点领域。     

论文化对国际制度创新的影响

在国际关系领域,国际制度创新的基本目标是使制度更加体现国际社会的基本政治认同与价值观念,更加促进地区稳定与世界和平。文化作为一种共有观念,对于国际制度创新具有更加明显的促进作用,这一作用通过在非传统安全领域形成全球集体认同,或在地区层面建构制度创新的共识等方式表现出来。通过文化与权力的结合、文化与利益的结合,并通过国际社会的长期实践,在一定的危机或者偶然因素的促动下,文化就有可能实现制度化,推动国际和地区的合作进程。     

Nativism or Economic Threat: Attitudes Toward Immigrants During the Great Recession

To better evaluate the weight of economic versus cultural factors in determining individual attitudes toward open borders, this article reports on a survey experiment conducted over the course of the Great Recession. Over the course of the recession, we measured changes in attitudes on both immigration and trade policies, controlling for economic circumstance. Based on the data provided by respondents on both their current salaries as well as a subjective assessment of their economic well-being, we illustrate how both objective and subjective perceptions of the economy interact with cultural factors and influence attitudes on open borders. The panel provides a unique picture of the “stickiness” of policy attitudes in hard economic times, and by extension, the level of commitment in the United States to globalization.