“Boundary Delineation” in grenzüberschreitenden Policy‐Netzwerken: Primat der “Policies” oder der “Polity”? Das Fallbeispiel des Policy‐Netzwerks zur 28‐Tonnen‐Limite

Zur Analyse neuer Verhandlungssysteme der Politikformulierung hat sich seit Mitte der 1980er Jahre das Konzept der Policy‐Netzwerke herausge‐bildet. Verschiedentlich wurde diesen Netzwerkkonzepten in der Literatur vorgeworfen, dass bei dynamischen networking‐Prozessen nicht zwischen inhaltlichen und institutionell geprägten Aktivitäten unterschieden werden kann. Inwiefern sich diese These aufrecht erhalten lässt und welche Implikationen sie für die Ausdifferenzierung von grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerken birgt, ist Gegenstand des vorliegenden Beitrags. Die quantitative Netzwerkanalyse der schweizerischen Schwerverkehrspolitik im europäischen Umfeld über drei Phasen hinweg stützt die Institutionalismus‐These, wonach sich das grenzüberschreitende Netzwerk entlang der staatsrechtlich‐institutionellen Dimensionen Schweiz‐EU sowie staatlich‐parastaatlich/privat ausdifferenzierte. Die Sektorzugehörigkeit dagegen wirkte in dieser Konstellation erst innerhalb formal‐institutionell definierter Strukturen differenzierend.     

Does “Real-Freedom-for-All” Really Justify Basic Income?

We here examine Philippe Van Parijs's concept of "real freedom" which justifies in his view the introduction of a basic income. What we call into question is whether this concept can be understood, as Van Parijs argues, as the counterfactual freedom to do what one might want to do, that is as a notion of freedom based on the idea of potential desire. We oppose to it an alternative conception of "real freedom" related, first, to a notion of basic needs which a well-ordered society can satisfy by means of compensation, second, to a notion of social mediation in the evaluation of individual preferences. In this way we restore the relationship between freedom and desire, which allows us to take into account the conception the social actors have of their own freedom, more than does the too abstract conception of freedom based on the idea of potential desire.     

“Characteristically Generous”? Australian Responses to Refugees Prior to 1951

When Australia pledged to accept 15,000 Jewish refugees from Europe in 1938, it was applauded by the London Times as “a characteristically generous contribution” and an example for others. Australia's reputation for generous humanitarianism was solidified after the war when it absorbed more than 180,000 of Europe's Displaced Persons and committed to international human rights instruments designed to protect refugees and asylum seekers. This reputation has been used to both defend and critique the nation's contemporary responses to asylum seekers. Recent Australian Prime Ministers have invoked Australia's proud record of refugee resettlement to deflect criticism of their tough border control policies, policies which critics charge repudiate the nation's humanitarian traditions. This article critically reviews the history of Australia's responses to refugees and asylum seekers prior to 1951 and demonstrates that contemporary border control policies are neither a deviation from, nor defence of, a proud humanitarian record. Rather, they embody the migration management approach to refugees that provided impetus for Federation in 1901, governed Australia's response to the Jewish refugee crisis in the 1930s, and shaped its conditional acceptance of the Displaced Persons and the position it adopted in the drafting of the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees in 1951.     

“What Guarantees Do We Have?” Legal Tolls and Persistent Impunity for Feminicide in Guatemala

Guatemala has one of the highest levels of killings of women and impunity for violence against women in the world. Despite laws created to protect women, Guatemala, like other countries, generally fails at implementation. This article examines justice system obstacles in contemporary Guatemala to processing cases of feminicide—killings of women because they are women in a context of impunity—comparing two recent feminicide cases. It argues that the sociopolitical context in Guatemala, including structural violence, widespread poverty, inequality, corruption, and normalization of gender violence against women, generates penalties, or “legal tolls,” that are imposed on victims' families and contribute to impunity through undermining victims' attempts to navigate the justice system. The analysis focuses on the tolls of fear and time: the need to overcome fear of retaliation and the extraordinary time and effort it takes to do so in a corrupt and broken system.     

“Bordering on Treason”? Sir Raphael Cilento and Pre‐Second World War Fascism in Australia

Sir Raphael Cilento died on 16 April 1985 at the age of ninety‐two. The notice in the Canberra Times spoke of Cilento's “worldwide” reputation in tropical medicine, his contribution to the public health service in Queensland, and his role with the United Nations in the immediate post‐war years. In short, he was an “eminent son of Australia”. But Sir Raphael Cilento's halo has been tarnished by his persistent eugenicist beliefs and his later association with the anti‐Semitic League of Rights. There were also lingering allegations and rumours about his apparent pre‐war association with Fascism. Without the evidentiary “smoking gun”, this association has occasionally been alluded to by scholars but never fully examined. Drawing on an unreleased, previously classified security file, this article addresses this question in Cilento's life. Through an examination of what the security service and military intelligence knew of Cilento's activities, the article argues that Cilento was at best an active fellow traveller and at worst a card‐carrying Fascist who narrowly escaped internment.     

“Super” Debates within the Antipodes? Explaining Differing New Zealand and Australian Retirement Policies in the late Twentieth Century

As others have shown, for much of the twentieth century, “although to different degrees in different periods and to different degrees in the two countries”, New Zealand and Australia shared a peculiar approach to social protection internationally. In particular, Francis Castles has published widely on the Antipodean “wage earners’ welfare state”. He has also shown, however, that New Zealand and Australia took quite dissimilar paths in refurbishing each welfare state in the last two decades of the twentieth century, significantly over superannuation. Most commentators attribute the distinction to dominant political personalities. New Zealand's Robert Muldoon's “election bribe” in 1975, meant a compulsory paid‐work based superannuation system, akin to the one Australia came to develop, was replaced by a universal pension scheme. Australia's Paul Keating implemented the compulsory Australian superannuation scheme in 1992 confirming the trajectory begun in the 1970s. In this paper I put the spotlight on the 1970s corporatism and Australasian industrial cultures to explain the varying New Zealand and Australian superannuation pathways. Such an approach emphasizes multilayered historicity, agency and contingency outside leadership‐driven models. It points to variance and its limits rather than convergence, despite, and because of, common origins and welfare foundations.     

“A New Hope for Asia”? Australia,the United States and the Promotion of Economic Development in Southeast Asia

The Colombo Plan and Point Four program were programs that provided technical and economic assistance to the newly independent countries of Southeast Asia. They represented Commonwealth and American attempts to promote economic development in the region. This paper will investigate how these policies, which were framed by US policy‐makers and academics, were adopted in Australia. In so doing, it will demonstrate the ways that development was perceived as an important consideration in the foreign policies of both Australia and the United States. It will also examine the place of these programs in the Cold War and postcolonial world of the 1950s. As this paper will show, the interaction of these factors would affect Australian foreign policy for decades to come, revealing much about the complex nature of the Australian‐American relationship.     

“Dished like a dinner” by the Victorians? The 1899 Seat of Government Compact and its Repercussions in the early Australian Commonwealth

At a “secret” conference in January‐February 1899, the premiers of the Australian colonies agreed on an amendment to the draft Commonwealth Constitution Bill to grant New South Wales the permanent seat of government in the Australian federation. One of the conditions placed on that concession, however, was that Melbourne would initially host the Commonwealth parliament. Spanning the decade from that agreement to the Commonwealth parliament's selection in 1908 of Canberra as the site for the permanent federal capital, this paper shows that the compact on the seat of government provoked powerful resentments in New South Wales and especially Sydney because of the political and material advantages it was seen to have conferred on Melbourne. While the paper argues that resentment was actuated by residual anti‐federal sentiment and regional chauvinism, it also suggests that hosting the legislature did promote Victoria's pre‐eminence in the early Commonwealth and had enduring effects on the nation. In doing so, it speaks to the shaping influence of place and distance in Australian history.     

美国启动钢铁"201条款"的影响

本文就近来美国启动钢铁"201条款"对国内外影响进行了分析,着重指出它对我国钢铁业的影响以及我国的应对策略.     

L＇Intraduisibilité derrière les mots

文学翻译首先需要深入全面地理解原著，但实际上这种阅读过程在时空上是没有穷尽的，企图发现文本的终极真理只能是幻想。另外，真正意义上的忠实翻译是难以成功的，因为两种语言不具有各个层面上严格的对应关系。翻译过程在本质上是一种相当主观的选择过程，某个层面上的忠实一般都意味着放弃另外一些层面上的忠实，但问题在于文学文本的意义是所有符号的合力产生的。这种不可译性在汉语与西方语言的互译中表现得特别明显，尤其在涉及那些以语言本身为写作目的的现代作品时更是这样。因此不可译性凸显的不仅仅是翻译本身的问题，而更是语言问题和文学问题。不过，不可译性未必一定是构成我们整个文化世界的语言游戏的缺陷，它更应该是一种启发性力量，使我们更清楚地认识并承受存在于各种语言、各种文学和各种文明之间的差异。     

Voyage chez France culture ：à la découverte des spécificités et de la notion de culture

本文通过对一电台节目--"法兰西例外"(Exceptionfrancaise)的时间构成、题目内涵、音乐效果和主持风格的分析,试图把握法国文化电台所体现的文化宗旨和由此而见的法国文化政策.     

Les stéréotypes culturels et l＇enseignement du Francais Langue Etrangère

本文讨论了"文化定型"(le stéréotype culturel)的性质、作用、弊端以及对外语教学的影响."文化定型"指人们对某一民族或国家所持有的一成不变的简单化看法,有"自定型"和"他定型"之分.这种看法受观察者特定文化视角的影响,主观色彩较浓,其最大弊端是容易导致对他民族的偏见和歧视.但定型同时也是一种普遍存在的人类认知方式,是人们对纷繁复杂的外部现象和文化差异进行概括、分类时必定要采用的一种基本认知策略.法语教师应当引导学生增强对"文化定型"的敏感性,创造条件和设置情景以帮助学生揭示隐藏在跨文化交际行为中的"定型",进而分析它、超越它,促进不同文化之间的相互理解和有效沟通.     

De la particularitè à l＇intraduisibilité——Etude comparative sur la traduction poétique

诗歌的独特性主要体现在音、形、义的完美统一.而在法汉诗歌互译中,原诗的这种独特性很难得到再现.本文探讨了诗歌翻译的忠实性问题并以此界定了诗歌不可译的含义,在系统介绍中法两国的翻译界在诗歌不可译问题研究的基础上,分析了由于汉法两种语言系统、汉法两种文化以及汉法诗歌诗法等的差别导致的汉法诗歌的不可译.     

Perspectives ： esthéthique et technique du récit

自二十世纪末,任何一个文学理论在研究文本文学性时都遇到了一个难题,那就是文学性在那里,怎么科学地对它进行衡量.无论是结构主义、解构主义,是阐释学理论,还是接受主义……,每个学派都不同程度地对这个问题作出过决定性的贡献,但文学作为人文科学的科学性,还有待于新世纪的学者们在融会各种理论的基础上继续进行探索.