Overcoming Clientelism Through Local Participatory Institutions in Mexico: What Type of Participation?

This article addresses the relationship between institutionalized citizen participation at the municipal level and clientelism. It argues, contrary to what the literature has suggested, that the institutionalization of local citizen participation does not necessarily lead to the erosion of clientelism. Drawing on a comparative case study of participatory experiences in two Mexican municipalities, León and Nezahualcóyotl, this study argues that participation does matter, but that not all types of participation have the same effect on state‐society relations. Institutional design is important in assessing the significance of popular participation in defining the relationship between the state and its citizens, but informal practices are even more important determinants of citizens' level of autonomy in institutionalized participatory mechanisms. This level of autonomy, in turn, determines the potential for such local institutions to become a means to overcome clientelism as the mechanism traditionally characterizing state‐society relationships in Mexico.     

The Developing Federation and Partnership How is it Progressing?

The address that follows was given by the Head of the RhodesianDepartment of Selection Trust at a Joint meeting of the RoyalAfrican Society and Royal Commonwealth Society on July 3, 1958The High Commissioner for the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland,Sir Gilbert Rennie, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., M.C., took the chair.     

The EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership and global environmental governance: Towards effective multilateralism after Copenhagen?

ABSTRACT

This paper uses an analytical framework drawn from organisational studies to unpack and evaluate climate change relations under the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership. The article finds that, while the EU and South Africa share a common purpose and high-level climate goals, many of the formal organisational structures set up under the partnership to tackle climate change and the environment are weak and have fallen into disuse. At the same time several factors outside of the strategic partnership, such as South Africa's hosting of the Durban climate change meeting, have played a significant role in promoting climate cooperation between the two partners. Therefore, while the strategic partnership creates an additional opportunity for climate cooperation, it is by no means the only or even the most important instrument in the EU's foreign policy tool box for negotiation and dialogue.     

Whatever Happened to the Australian Role in the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership?

In 2003, Iraq was invaded, ostensibly to remove a nuclear threat, by a coalition led by George W. Bush. At the same time select allies were invitited to participate in Bush's Global Nuclear Energy Partnership which aimed to limit the spread of nuclear enrichment and reprocessing. This came as climate change gave emphasis to the development of nuclear energy, especially in Asia. With an abundant supply of uranium and strict nuclear safeguards, Australia was well placed to provide a site for the full suite of nuclear services. The recent AUKUS nuclear submarine agreement has underscored its failure to do so. This article makes the case for the adoption of nuclear power as a necessary step in the development of advanced manufacturing; the provision of a domestic capability to fuel nuclear attack submarines and other naval craft; and as a contribution to global nuclear non-proliferation.     

German Parliamentary Party Groups in Europeanised Policymaking: Awakening from the Sleep? Institutions and Heuristics as MPs’ Resources

As a contribution to the ‘de-parliamentarisation’ debate, this article discusses the Europeanisation of the Bundestag by focusing on parliamentary party groups and their policy experts. In the German ‘working parliament’, these units are focal points for coordinating policymaking. By adding the explanatory power of ‘belief systems’ and, more generally, of ‘heuristics’ to theories of new institutionalism, this explanatory study reveals that although new institutionalism frameworks have served as rather good guidelines for explaining why German MPs have backed off scrutinising the government and co-governing in EU policymaking, they can be further improved by explicitly integrating elements of cognitive theory. The study empirically draws on elite interviews with MPs and their staff. These interviews offer insights into heuristics which serve to diminish information overload and which help MPs to cope with trade-offs and conflicts between EU issues and programmatic positions that point back to national party affiliations.     

Can We Blame it on Rio?

The Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games were the last major sporting event in a decade‐long cycle in the Brazilian metropolis. In the years leading up to the Rio 2016 Summer Olympic Games, the city's urban planning agenda was captured by the exogenous demands of hosting the quadrennial spectacular. This capture has exacerbated four tendencies that will pertain in Rio de Janeiro for the foreseeable future: consolidation of consumer sovereignty, restructuring of urban circulations, financialisation of urban territories, and securitisation of exception.     

Outsourcing a partnership? Assessing ACP–EU cooperation under the Cotonou Partnership Agreement

Since 2000 the cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states has been governed through the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. This article complements existing research that focuses on Brussels-based stakeholders with an analysis drawing on the existing literature and on stakeholders' perceptions of ACP–EU cooperation and ACP institutions gathered via interviews in nine ACP countries. The findings presented observe a social disconnect between, on the one hand, the Cotonou Partnership Agreement's institutions and Brussels-based representatives, and, on the other hand, the broad-based and multistakeholder partnership they are tasked to promote. The article points to low levels of support in ACP countries, particularly in Africa, to continued ACP–EU cooperation in its present form, and stresses the need for an open and participatory process of reviewing and reshaping ACP–EU relations.     

Can Countries Establish Sovereignty over the Internet?

While the Internet is now a component of people's everyday lives and is becoming more and more convenient, it has also brought about various problems and adverse effects that could be damaging to human rights, corporate interests, and even national interests. In order to address these problems and adverse effects, countries have recently begun to establish national boundaries over the Internet to control it. This article will consider whether countries are capable of establishing sovereignty over the Internet. To this end, first the scope of national sovereignty in terms of the physical entities that make up Internet services, namely, providers, users, network equipment, and network facilities will be defined. Then the four methods for establishing national sovereignty over the Internet from the perspective of social phenomena will be examined. In addition, in examining whether it is possible for countries to secure the power to levy taxes over the Internet, the article will consider the requirements for countries to establish sovereignty over the Internet. Finally, an explanation and attempt to elucidate a new phenomenon involving the movement of corporate earnings to the cloud will be offered.     

The EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership: Waning affection,persisting economic interests

ABSTRACT

Ten years after the coming into force of the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership, this article takes stock of this partnership. Our aim, within this special issue, is to assess the EU’s perspective on its strategic partnership with South Africa, and in particular to look at economic and development cooperation within the partnership and to what extent European expectations of closer engagement have been met. Our analysis shows that economic interests have remained central to bilateral relations and the strategic partnership, even if some potential for economic engagement has remained unexploited. At the same time, the relationship has been quite tense in recent years, as bilateral ‘affection’ at the political level has waned. The implications for the partnership are weighed.     

The Responsibility to Protect in Southeast Asia: Can ASEAN Reconcile Humanitarianism and Sovereignty?

Abstract

This article explores how relevant the “Responsibility to Protect” (RtoP) principle is in Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia is usually thought of as a region that is highly resistant to external “interference” in its domestic affairs and relatively impervious to the influence of externally generated norms. The article explores the potential relevance of RtoP through an analysis of the impact of Cyclone Nargis on Myanmar. Although the military regime in Myanmar was initially resistant to external intervention, pressure from both the United Nations and especially fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) caused the regime to change its behavior. The authors argue that this marks an important shift in intra-ASEAN relations and suggests that even in Southeast Asia where sovereignty is still jealously guarded, external norms and ideas can have a decisive impact in propitious circumstances.     

How Can Japan Improve Relations with South Korea?

This article explores how the Abe administration might go about improving Japan's relationship with the South Korean government of President Park Geun-hye. Although bilateral ties are strained by disagreements over history, territory, and the “comfort women” issue, as well as mutual mistrust and “fatigue,” the paper argues that the two sides actually share substantial interests in common and urges Japanese leaders not to lose hope but to continue working hard to improve relations. It lays out a menu of policy “options” across political-diplomatic; security; economic; educational and socio-cultural; and environmental and scientific domains, and describes a strategy for how to build a better relationship over the next several years.     

Non-Traditional Security Dilemmas: Can Military Operations other than War Intensify Security Competition in Asia?

Can seemingly benign deployments of armed forces on military operations other than war (MOOTW) – such as humanitarian relief and anti-piracy missions – exacerbate security dilemmas? The security dilemma holds a central role in international relations theory, but existing analyses overlook whether non-traditional security operations drive security competition if perceived as threatening. Despite increased MOOTW participation throughout Asia, scant attention has been paid to the broader strategic implications of these operations. This article proposes a hypothesis in which MOOTW participation exacerbates security competition by revealing military capabilities and providing states with skills that make offensive action easier. The article tests this hypothesis by process tracing events surrounding Japan’s post-3/11 earthquake response. The findings suggest that MOOTW participation intensifies long-term security competition, especially when rising powers are involved.