Homeland Security Preparedness: The Rebirth of Regionalism

The homeland security mission has placed many new demands onthe U.S. system of federalism. The successful implementationof homeland security policy requires cooperation among all levelsof government—federal, state, and local. Regionalism offersa powerful tool for encouraging greater intergovernmental cooperationand improved homeland security preparedness. We assess the impactof regionalism on intergovernmental cooperation and the implementationof the homeland security mission in Florida, an early proponentof the regional approach. From a regional perspective, we evaluatehow intergovernmental complexity, the quality and quantity ofintergovernmental networks, and security vulnerabilities contributeto perceived improvements in intergovernmental cooperation andhomeland security preparedness. The results of a 2004 mail surveyof city and county officials suggest that regional organizationalstructures are most effective in promoting intergovernmentalcooperation and preparedness where the intergovernmental landscapeis the most complex and where security vulnerabilities are themost intense.     

Grantmaking in a Disorderly World: The Limits of Rationalism

This article reflects on the real world relevance of rational approaches to grantmaking. The characteristics and environment of foundation work are outlined, then both traditional and newer funding practices are analysed. Unpacking implicit assumptions of a rational approach, eight costs to foundations and their grantees are identified. The final sections of the paper consider what grantmaking for a complex and disorderly world might encompass. In conclusion, while rational approaches to grantmaking provide a comfortable aura of certainty, funders need to adapt to a little discomfort.     

Metropolitan Planning Organizations and the New Regionalism: The Case of Louisville

This article outlines the new regionalism movement and its metropolitanagenda, reviews federal efforts to promote new regionalism underISTEA and TEA–21, considers how the new federal policieschanged the role of metropolitan planning organizations (MPOs)in transportation planning by examining the MPO for the Louisvillemetropolis, and assesses the MPO process in Louisville. Thelocal decision of whether to build a new bridge across the OhioRiver was a major test of the enhanced MPO process. Federaltransportation policies enhanced regional coordination and cooperationin transportation planning in the Louisville metropolis resultingin a consensus plan to build two bridges across the Ohio River.However, the MPO process did not lead to the development ofa metropolitan-wide interest or perspective. Moreover, the newregionalist agenda was not advanced because sprawl was not afactor in the decision on whether and where to build the bridges.     

The New Federalism and Substate Regionalism: Changing Perceptions of Rural Officials

This study examines the attitudes of officials in rural governmentsabout regional commissions. Survey data from a sample of Georgiaand Michigan respondents were collected in the 1970s and againin 1985. The purpose initially was to measure attitudinal supportfor the then precariously placed and often criticized commissions.The follow-up survey was intended to measure whether attitudinalsupport had become greater or weaker after well-publicized Reaganadministration initiatives had led to reduced federal funding.The data show mixed findings in the two states but indicatethat, at least in some rural areas, greater acceptance of regionalismwas achieved in the face of decreased activities by regionalcommissions.     

The Struggle for Local Government: Indian Democracy's New Phase

The 73^rd Constitutional Amendment of 1993 giving local governmenta constitutional status introduced new institutions into theworking of Indian democracy through several significant innovations,such as reservations of seats for marginal groups, women, Dalits,and Adivasis; creation of a decentralized planning mechanism;establishment of state election commissions to oversee localelections and state finance commissions to prepare a blueprintfor sharing of state revenues; and institutionalization of thevillage assembly (gram sabha). This article examines the implicationsof these innovations for local government and vulnerable groupsin the context of Indian democracy. It does so within the largerdebate on the capability of political institutions to produceoutcomes and so a new political culture.     

The Struggle for Reform in Iran

Since the election of the reformist President Muhammad Khatami in 1997, the conflict between the reformers and the religious conservatives has intensified. The reformers command the majority in the city councils and, more importantly, in parliament, but they have been unable to carry through their proclaimed agenda for social and political reforms. This is mostly because the conservatives, who control most of the institutions of power like the army, the security forces, and the judiciary, have blocked the reforms. They have banned most of the pro-reform newspapers, jailed newspaper editors, journalists, and secular intellectuals. They have even harassed and jailed parliamentarians. Khatami's government, however, has succeeded in improving Iran's relations with the West, Russia, China, and the Persian Gulf states. In Iran a central issue is how to increase the constitutional powers of the popularly elected president and curb the almost unlimited authority of the non-elected supreme leader.     

行政审判权：一种具有政治性的司法权力

行政审判权是商品经济和民主政治的产物,是国家的统治者通过立法机关的授权赋予法院解决行政纠纷的权力。行政审判权涉及到社会个体和政府之间关系的定位,与具有政治性的行政权之间具有密切的联系。正确认识行政审判权是一种具有政治性的司法权力,有利于揭示行政诉讼制度的特有规律,有利于充分发挥行政诉讼制度的作用。     

公共管理运动中的理性主义批判

公共管理运动是20世纪70年代后发展起来并产生广泛影响的政府治理理论和运动。它为政府改革和公共行政学研究提供了新的思路。然而,由于其理论和实践标准是建立在理性主义基础之上,因此公共管理运动存在着许多值得反思和批判的缺陷：对人性的认识的偏颇;对市场机制的过分崇拜以及不恰当的顾客比喻等。这些缺陷使得公共管理运动只能成为公共行政学研究的一个视角,而不能成为其替代模式。     

Mandating Social Change: The Business Struggle Over National Health Reform

This article explores the conditions under which business managers endorse human resource investment policy drawing from the recent national health reform episode. In order to generate corporate support, a business community must develop corporate policy capacity, or the ability to grasp complicated social issues and to act in support of this social agenda. Corporate support is also influenced by the business–related strategies of government leaders who can encourage businesses to organize around legislative issues. The bid for national health reform met neither condition. Corporate policy capacity was inadequate to sustaining business support for health reform at the point of translating general corporate anxiety into specific legislation. Because U.S. business groups are weak, fragmented, and compete for members, they tend to cater to strong, vocal minorities and are often unable to act on majority positions. In health reform although a majority of business groups' members wanted reform, minority objections prevailed. In addition, where the Clinton administration's business mobilization efforts were complicated by its campaign for mass support, the Republicans organized a formidable corporate lobby against the bill.     

Economic Rationalism and Public Sector Ethics: Conflicts and Catalysts

Given recent focus on unethical activity and failings in corporate governance in the private sector, this paper briefly overviews the application of 'economic rationalism' in public administration and its impacts on the ethics of public sector decisions. It is argued that although 'unethical' decisions in public administration may be influenced by the economic imperatives embodied in 'economic rationalist' policies, it does not follow that the application of economic principles is necessarily inconsistent or injurious to ethical outcomes. In many instances the application of economic principles in public administration adds value by making existing ethical conflicts transparent and enabling more informed decisions.     

The Western Australian Regional Forest Agreement: Economic Rationalism and the Normalisation of Political Closure

This article explores the constraints imposed by economic rationalism on environmental policy‐making in light of Western Australia's (WA) Regional Forest Agreement (RFA) experience. Data derived from interviews with WA RFA stakeholders shed light on their perceptions of the RFA process and its outcomes. The extent to which involvement of science and the public RFA management enabled is analysed. The findings point to a pervasive constrainedness of WA's RFA owing to a closing of the process by the administrative decision‐making structures. A dominant economic rationality is seen to have normalised and legitimised political closure, effectively excluding rationalities dissenting from an implicit economic orthodoxy. This article argues for the explication of invisible, economic constraints affecting environmental policy and for the public‐cum‐political negotiation of the points of closure within political processes.     

The Curse of Sisyphus: Public Sector Audit Independence in an Age of Economic Rationalism

Consistent with the economic rationalist philosophy which now pervades the decisions and policies of all Australian governments, the persuasive aura of competitive markets has been used to justify the provision by the private sector of an increasing range of public services. Governments who have been consistently antagonised by the findings of the auditor-general are now attempting to use the arguments for competition in the public sector to diminish the stature and role of the auditor-general. In place of audit models which are based upon an auditor who is able to conduct audits on behalf of parliament, the auditor-general is to be increasingly isolated from the means to audit. This represents the onset of a radical interpretation of public sector audit which will usher in the last days of an independent public sector audit function.     

Political Belonging in a Neoliberal Era: The Struggle of the Sans-Papiers

This article argues that political belonging should be understood in the context of diverse spatial imaginaries which encompass but are not confined to the state. Engin Isin's approach to citizenship provides a theoretical grounding for this claim. By way of demonstration, the article focuses on the spatially reconfigured practices of the neoliberal state in relation to irregular migration. It shows how the policing of irregular migration sustains a logic of political belonging based on connections between state, citizen and territory. This logic is simultaneously compromised by transnational state practices including the exploitation of irregular migrant labour. Irregular migrants are contesting their positioning within these multidimensional statist frameworks that posit them as outsiders even while they are integrated into local sites of a global political economy. The struggle of the Sans-Papiers, a collective of irregular migrants in France, provides an example in this context. Their claims to entitlement also mobilize multiple dimensions of political belonging and provide insight into transitions in political community, identity and practice.     

The Struggle for Democracy in Indonesia: An Actor–Structure Approach

Processes of democratization and the struggle for democracy are best studied from an actor-structure perspective. In this article the struggle for democracy in contemporary Indonesia is seen as attempts by pro-democracy actors to change authoritarian structures. Actors and structures preventing and favouring democracy are discussed. During the past few years the Indonesian pro-democracy movement has grown significantly, but it is quite heterogeneous. Various pro-democracy actors tend to concentrate their struggle on different authoritarian structures. Structures of ideas as well as behavioural structures supporting authoritarianism are strong, but on balance the prospects for at least a limited form of democracy are quite good.     

Reconciling Nation and Region: Vietnamese Nation Building and ASEAN Regionalism

The article sets out to gauge the usefulness of the concepts of legitimacy, sovereignty and nation in theorising a specific, South-East Asian case of nation building. It looks at the interplay between nation building and regionalist ideology in Vietnam, within the context of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). As one of the world's last communist states, the way in which Vietnam has reconciled hard-won sovereignty with regionalisation is all the more intriguing. The article distinguishes the state-led ideology of regionalism from the macro-level process of regionalisation in charting how sovereignty, legitimacy and nation are constructed in the Vietnamese case, with a view to drawing parallels with experiences in other regions. The first section looks at the concepts of legitimacy, sovereignty and nation and how they underpin the state construct, before relating these to Vietnam's ongoing nation-building project in the second section. The final section evaluates the evolution of these concepts within a regional framework, with specific reference to Vietnam's experience as a member of ASEAN. It concludes that official nation building in Vietnam continues to be based on the premises of state sovereignty and legitimacy, an approach eminently compatible with 'the ASEAN way'. The Vietnamese Communist party seeks to reconcile regionalism with its ongoing nation-building project in a bid to bolster both domestic legitimacy and external sovereignty.