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1.
This article focuses on a research project conducted in six jurisdictions: England, The Netherlands, Germany, Australia, Venezuela,
and Brazil. These societies are very different ethnically, socially, politically, economically, historically and have wildly
different levels of crime. Their policing arrangements also differ significantly: how they are organised; how their officers
are equipped and trained; what routine operating procedures they employ; whether they are armed; and much else besides. Most
relevant for this research, they represent policing systems with wildly different levels of police shootings, Police in the
two Latin American countries represented here have a justified reputation for the frequency with which they shoot people,
whereas at the other extreme the police in England do not routinely carry firearms and rarely shoot anyone. To probe whether
these differences are reflected in the way that officers talk about the use of force, police officers in these different jurisdictions
were invited to discuss in focus groups a scenario in which police are thwarted in their attempt to arrest two youths (one
of whom is a known local criminal) by the youths driving off with the police in pursuit, and concludes with the youths crashing
their car and escaping in apparent possession of a gun, It might be expected that focus groups would prove starkly different,
and indeed they were, but not in the way that might be expected. There was little difference in affirmation of normative and
legal standards regarding the use of force. It was in how officers in different jurisdictions envisaged the circumstances
in which the scenario took place that led Latin American officers to anticipate that they would shoot the suspects, whereas
officers in the other jurisdictions had little expectation that they would open fire in the conditions as they imagined them
to be.
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2.
I attempt to describe the several costs that criminal theory would be forced to pay by adopting the view (currently fashionable
among moral philosophers) that the intentions of the agent are irrelevant to determinations of whether his actions are permissible
(or criminal).
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3.
The rapid economic growth in China over recent decades has been accompanied by higher levels of crime, but there have been
few studies of the Chinese experience of criminal victimization. A recent victimization survey of a representative sample
of households in Tianjin represents a major effort to fill this gap in the literature. The present paper reviews the research
based on the Tianjin survey along with other studies of crime and criminal victimization in China that have been published
since 1990. We summarize the major findings, discuss the theoretical perspectives and methodological strategies that have
been applied, identify the limitations of the research to date, and offer suggestions for future research.
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4.
This article provides the background to an international project on use of force by the police that was carried out in seven
countries. Force is often considered to be the defining characteristic of policing and much research has been conducted on
the determinants, prevalence and control of the use of force, particularly in the United States. However, little work has
looked at police officers’ own views on the use of force, in particular the way in which they justify it. Using a hypothetical
encounter developed for this project, researchers in each country conducted focus groups with police officers in which they
were encouraged to talk about the use of force. The results show interesting similarities and differences across countries
and demonstrate the value of using this kind of research focus and methodology.
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5.
After decades of neglect, a growing number of scholars have turned their attention to issues of crime and criminal justice
in the rural context. Despite this improvement, rural crime research is underdeveloped theoretically, and is little informed
by critical criminological perspectives. In this article, we introduce the broad tenets of a multi-level theory that links
social and economic change to the reinforcement of rural patriarchy and male peer support, and in turn, how they are linked
to separation/divorce sexual assault. We begin by addressing a series of misconceptions about what is rural, rural homogeneity
and commonly held presumptions about the relationship of rurality, collective efficacy (and related concepts) and crime. We
conclude by recommending more focused research, both qualitative and quantitative, to uncover specific link between the rural
transformation and violence against women.
This paper was presented at the 2006 annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Los Angeles, California. Some
of the research reported here was supported by National Institute of Justice Grant 2002-WG-BX-0004 and financial assistance
provided by the College of Arts and Sciences and the Office of the Vice President for Research at Ohio University. Arguments
and findings included in this article are those of the authors and do not represent the official position of the US Department
of Justice or Ohio University. Please send all correspondence to Walter S. DeKeseredy, e-mail: walter.dekeseredy@uoit.ca.
All of the names of the women who participated in DeKeseredy and colleagues’ rural Ohio study and who are quoted have been
changed to maintain confidentiality.
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6.
This research examined the impact of eyewitness identification decisions on student-investigators. Undergraduates played the
role of police investigators and interviewed student-witnesses who had been shown either a good or poor view of the perpetrator
in a videotaped crime. Based on information obtained from the witness, student-investigators then chose a suspect from a database
containing information about potential suspects and rated the probability that their suspect was the culprit. Investigators
then administered a photo lineup to witnesses, and re-rated the probability that their suspect was guilty. Student-investigators
were highly influenced by eyewitness identification decisions, typically overestimating the information gained from the identification
decision (except under conditions that led witnesses to be very accurate), and were generally unable to differentiate between
accurate and inaccurate witnesses.
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7.
Seeking a grounding in Buchanan (Cost and choice: an inquiry in economic theory, 1969) subjective theory of opportunity cost,
this paper sets out to fix a notional locus of the law in order to determine the cost of law enforcement. The paper also explores
the impact of unlawful activities on the economy and analyses the evolution of individual criminal activities in collective
criminal organizations such as the mafia.
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8.
Conflicting evidence exists on how criminal propensity moderates deterrent effects, and there is little empirical evidence
on this issue from relatively experienced offenders. This study tested how variation in criminal propensity (operationalized
as “low self-control”) moderates deterrent effects in a sample of convicted offenders in New Jersey’s Intensive Supervision
Program in 1989 and 1990. Offenders’ perceptions of the risks and consequences from violating ISP were associated with whether
they successfully completed ISP. Moreover, lower self-control did not diminish, and if anything, enhanced these deterrent
effects.
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10.
This commentary on Michael Cahill’s Grading Arson argues that Cahill’s analysis inevitably leads to three possible conclusions. First, arson does not belong in criminal codes.
Second, crimes of manner do not belong in criminal codes. And, third, the special part needs serious reconsideration. Although
Cahill is reticent to draw any of these conclusions, this commentary urges Cahill to embrace all three.
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11.
Questions and answers about incapacitation abound in all discussions about criminal justice policy. They are among the most
pressing of all research issues, yet estimates about the incapacitation effect on crime vary considerably, and most are based
on very old and incomplete estimates of the longitudinal pattern of criminal careers. This paper provides an overview of the
incapacitation issue, highlights information on recent estimates of criminal careers that are useful to the incapacitation
model, and outlines an ambitious research agenda for continued and expanded work on incapacitation and crime that centers
on developing better estimates of the characteristics of criminal careers and their relevance to policy choices.
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12.
Much of the criminal justice literature indicates that people’s support for harsh criminal sanctions such as the death penalty
is strongly related to their beliefs about deterrence and their beliefs about retribution. In this paper, using social dominance
theory as our organizing framework, we expand upon this literature by showing that social dominance orientation (SDO) is also
related to support for harsh criminal sanctions, as well as to deterrence and retribution beliefs. In addition, we show that
the relationships between SDO, on the one hand, and support for various forms of severe criminal sanctions, on the other,
are mediated by deterrence and retribution beliefs.
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13.
Doug Husak frames a worry that makes sense in the abstract, but in reality, there is not much to worry about. The thesis that
intentions are irrelevant to permissibility (IIP) is a straw man. There are reasons to think that the moral significance of
intentions is not properly registered in criminal law. But the moral basis for criticism is not nearly as extreme as the IIP,
and the fixes are not that hard to make. Lastly, if they are not made, some people may not get the punishments they deserve,
and there will be some extra inequities in the criminal law as a result. But these inequities are not so great that change
must be made now. The moral categories that are used may be too crude, but they are also familiar and easy to work with, and
that counts for something.
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14.
Open interviews and unplanned conversations with criminals are an important part of ethnographic research in criminology.
This paper presents an analysis of conversations with members of Russian criminal groups. An attempt is made to explore the
value of these informal interviews, the danger of informal contacts with criminals, and the reliability of the information
received.
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15.
I take it as obvious that attempts to justify the criminal law must be sensitive to matters of criminalization—to what conduct
is proscribed or permitted. I discuss three additional matters that should be addressed in order to justify the criminal law.
First, we must have a rough idea of what degree of deviation is tolerable between the set of criminal laws we ought to have
and the set we really have. Second, we need information about how the criminal law at any given time and place is administered,
since the law in action is bound to differ radically from the law on the books. Finally, we must have some basis for speculating
what life would be like in the absence of a system of criminal justice—if the state ceased to impose punishments.
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16.
This paper presents results of a survey on legislation regarding female genital mutilation in 15 European member states, as
well as the results of a comparative analysis of the implementation of these laws in Belgium, France, Spain, Sweden and the
UK. The research showed that although both criminal laws and child protection laws are implemented a number of difficulties
with the implementation of these laws remain. The article suggests that efforts should primarily focus on child protection
measures, but also on developing implementation strategies for criminal laws, and concludes with suggestions to overcome the
obstructing factors to implement laws applicable to FGM in Europe.
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17.
With the economics of racism of the 1930s and 1950s American South in mind, our essay explores the relationship between the
act of writing and institutional penology. Taking an obscure, but visceral autobiographical account by Paterson and Conrad
( Scottsboro Boy, Garden City Doubleday, 1950), we examine how discipline, punishment, and institutional identity emerge out of publishing, or, as Foucault put it, “the
power of writing.” Narratives of delinquency born out of a racialized penal economy tend to resist attempts to tame the criminal,
making institutional survival a productive discourse, and its articulation, a unique revolutionary act.
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18.
This paper describes the UK’s anti-money laundering and asset recovery laws and the aims and objectives behind the regime
since the introduction of the Proceeds of Crime Act in 2002. It then evaluates the regime in terms of the amount of criminal
assets recovered, its application against organised crime and its impact upon the price of illegal drugs.
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19.
This paper considers the interpretive significance of the intersecting relationships between different conceptions of responsibility
as they shift over space and time. The paper falls into two main sections. The first gives an account of several conceptions
of responsibility: two conceptions founded in ideas of capacity; two founded in ideas of character, and one founded in the
relationship between an agent and the outcome which she causes. The second main section uses this differentiated conceptual
account to analyse and interpret certain aspects of the contemporary criminal law of England and Wales. In conclusion, the
paper considers a number of hypotheses about what the evidence of certain shifts in the relationship between the three families
of responsibility-conception can tell us about the current state and significance of criminal law among other systems of social
governance.
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20.
Using data from the NLSY97, this paper re-examines the empirical relationship between household economic resources and youth
criminal participation. Previous estimates of this relationship have often suggested this relationship to be quite weak or
even non-existent. However, this analysis suggests that much of the strength of the relationship between household economic
resources and youth criminal participation may be obscured due to non-linearities in this relationship, the fact that this
relationship is isolated to crimes of a serious nature only, and especially because of measurement error with respect to measuring
household economic resources. I show that adjusting for these issues substantially increases the estimated strength of this
relationship. Indeed, the results in this paper show that the differences in serious criminal participation between youth
from households in the upper parts of the income distribution and youth from households in the lower parts of the income distribution
appear to be greater than the difference in serious criminal participation between genders.
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