东亚共同体建设:关于现状与问题的思考

在经济全球化所带来的全球区域竞争加剧以及各国在变动的时代保持主体性和安全需求的双重刺激下,东亚地区合作近年来取得了很大进展.在东亚一体化建设的过程中,东盟、东盟+3、东盟地区论坛、东亚峰会等各种机制都发挥着不同的作用,推动东亚地区逐渐以一个整体出现在国际事务中.由于目前东亚内部还存在很多矛盾和不确定性,东亚从一个多国家的地区真正建设成一个面对共同挑战、拥有共同愿望和命运的地区共同体仍然任重道远.     

冷战后东盟地区主义的发展与日本的应对

冷战后,东盟地区主义迅速发展。这不仅表现在东盟实现了大东盟的愿望,加强了东盟地区内部的各种合作,而且突出表现在东盟积极推动东亚合作和东亚一体化进程。在推动东亚合作和东亚一体化进程中,东盟对东亚地区唯一的发达国家日本寄予了厚望,但日本的表现与东盟的期待存在很大的反差。东盟和日本在东亚地区主义理念上的分歧是这一反差产生的根本原因。     

20世纪末以来中、美与东盟的三边互动关系——以权力转移为视角

中国的崛起对美国和东盟均产生重大影响,导致中、美和东盟在经贸、政治和认知方面形成了互动关系。由于经济领域的区域经济一体化、贸易转移效应和政治领域东亚一体化的排斥效应等因素,中美在东亚的权力关系发生了转移,东亚秩序经历了结构性调整。三方在经贸、政治和认知的互动相互影响并呈正相关关系,使得东亚的权力转移在和平中实现。互动中仍存在一些问题需要三方调适和合作加以解决。     

日本-东盟自由贸易区的进程与前景

为适应世界性区域经济一体化的浪潮,日本制定了FTA战略,确定优先与东盟建立自由贸易区的目标.日本-东盟自由贸易区的建立,将对东亚区域经济一体化的进程产生重要的影响.     

论东亚一体化的动力与源泉

东亚一体化的原动力之一是东南亚地区的一体化,最近几年蓬勃发展的中国-东盟合作则为东亚一体化进程增添了新的动力.冷战结束后,中国-东盟经济合作的步伐逐步加快,从发展双边的经济贸易关系开始到中国-东盟自由贸易区计划的提出和启动,为更大范围的东亚区域经济合作和一体化起到了加速器的作用.中国-东盟合作有可能成为推动整个东亚一体化进程的发动机.     

日本的东亚峰会外交:背景、路径与启示

每年一度的东亚领导人系列峰会成为东亚各国及美俄等相关国家博弈的平台。日本作为东盟最早的对话与合作伙伴之一,长期以来,通过区域、次区域及双边渠道布局地区外交,突出与东盟及东南亚各国的"全方位关系"。在东亚系列峰会筹备、举办以及落实协议等各环节,日本已形成颇为有效的参与模式。     

东盟特惠贸易安排:回顾与评价

东盟特惠贸易安排是东南亚早期区域经济合作中的一项主要内容。从1977年的《东盟特惠贸易安排协定》开始,东盟各国围绕商品关税减让等主要方法,对增加东盟区内的贸易往来作出了持久的努力。本文回顾了东盟特惠关税安排的缘起与发展,分析了该项目所取得的成就与问题,并从东南亚区域经济合作整个发展史的角度评价了东盟特惠贸易安排的历史地位与意义。     

论东盟在东亚区域合作中的领导能力

东盟在东亚区域合作中领导地位的形成是东亚国际力量博弈与东盟积极追求的结果,同时东盟自身条件也是实现这一目标的重要因素.但东盟实力终究有限,且面临许多内外困难与挑战,因此其在东亚区域合作中的领导能力受到质疑.对此,东盟通过谋求建立东盟共同体、制定东盟宪章、健全东盟机构、强化东盟权力、推动东盟向欧盟模式转变等措施以提高其在东亚区域合作中的领导能力.     

"全球地域化"语境下东亚共同体如何"文学"?

在"全球化"、"地域化"大潮共同冲击下,东亚地域客观上必须思考共同的文化防卫及文化建设策略.东亚共同体不只是政治、外交、经济、军事层面的问题,还包括在文学领域我们应该如何开展平等对话,建立共同的话语空间以实行网络作业的迫切命题.只有在此基础之上,才能重新书写本地域文学史,建构地域的敞开的文学理论体系,丰富东亚文学形式与内涵,确立在世界文学中的主体地位.     

多边主义与东亚的安全困境

东亚是安全困境普遍存在并表现突出的地区,现实主义的权力政治理论并不能缓解各国之间的安全困境,而多边主义对东亚安全不仅具有重要的理论意义,而且在东盟的实践中已经取得了初步的成果.在现有的基础上,继续推进东亚安全领域的多边主义进程,有助于增进各国间的信任关系,减低安全困境的烈度,并为最终走出安全困境,营建东亚持久稳定的安全环境创造条件.     

中国—日本—东盟三角关系结构变化与东亚一体化前景

中国、日本和东盟是决定东亚一体化发展前景的三种主要力量;它们之间关系的发展变化,在一定程度上决定和制约着未来东亚一体化的模式选择.本文试图运用国际政治理论中传统的战略三角关系分析方法,探讨中国-日本-东盟三角关系的四种可能结构,从而展望在不同的结构下东亚一体化可能出现的四种模式.     

The construction of an East Asian order and the limitations of the ASEAN model

An East Asian Summit will be held in Malaysia this December. Like other institutions in the region, the summit will be hosted by ASEAN. Only nations that have signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (or TAC), which sets out the basic principles of ASEAN, will receive an invitation to the summit from ASEAN. This unprecedented summit may become a historic starting point on the path towards the founding of an East Asian community. If so, the TAC may well come to represent the basic principles of the East Asian community. The commitment to peaceful resolution of conflict that is enshrined in the TAC could be expanded from Southeast Asia to East Asia. If a Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in East Asia could be concluded, it would surely constitute a major contribution to peace and prosperity in East Asia. At the same time, however, it is likely that the bedrock principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries—as stipulated in the TAC—would also become a fundamental doctrine of an East Asian community. Even within ASEAN there are some who regard this principle as outdated, as it is used as a pretext for resisting pressure to democratize. If it retains the TAC as its basis, will an East Asian community be able to share the concept of democracy?     

The growing role of NGOs in ASEAN

The role and activities of nongovernment organizations (NGOs) in Southeast Asia are increasing, says JoAnn Fagot Aviel, Professor of International Relations at San Francisco State University. This growth is being encouraged both by the increasing emphasis, world‐wide, on regionalization and by the attempts by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to promote regional economic cooperation. Although in the past NGOs have been on the periphery of ASEAN, Aviel argues that the future of the Association may depend as much on the activities of NGOs as on those of ASEAN's governments and private enterprises. In this article, Aviel focuses on the role played by NGOs in the Asian region and their relationship with ASEAN. She predicts that NGO activity in Southeast Asia will continue to grow and forge links between people in the region.     

Issues in regional integration of east asia: conflicting priorities and perceptions

Since the end of the 1990s, the ASEAN countries and China, Korea and Japan have been pursuing regionalist efforts, namely the ASEAN?+?3 process. With Japan's participation, it is the first major endeavour for East Asia to establish a regionwide economic integration. The success of the integration process, however, depends on how the countries solve multiple issues, such as diverse expectations of economic integration among the members, the drifting course of US policies towards East Asia and an emerging contest for regional leadership between Japan and China. This article intends to illustrate these issues and suggests that there are a number of uncertainties in the integration process and that the region may have not necessarily found effective means to overcome the problems.     

The rise of china and the future of east asian integration

China is rising as the fastest growing largest economy and thereby leading a market-driven economic integration in East Asia. At the same time, nationalism is also rising and constraining East Asian countries from forming a state-driven regional community. This paper examines the political economy of interdependence and nationalism that is taking place in East Asia. Simply put, its central theme is that the degree of interdependence, especially between China and other countries, is deepening, and as a result, is pulling East Asia toward regional integration, but due to the rising tide of nationalism, it is far short of forming an actual community. In order to build a community, therefore, such economic trend must be propelled by political leadership and will. In elaborating on this thesis, the paper analyzes the trade and production networks centered on China, the efforts to promote regional integration in ASEAN?+?3, the nationalist rivalry between Japan and China in negotiating FTAs, and the difficulties in achieving Sino–Japanese reconciliation. Finally, the paper proposes a Northeast Asian Forum among Japan, South Korea and China while the US remains as a stabilizing force in East Asia.     

韩国与东亚地区主义的未来

本文首先回顾了东亚各国签订双边和多边自由贸易协定的历程,认为随着东亚各国相互依赖的加强,东亚的经济一体化将进一步加深,并提出了未来东亚地区主义发展的三种可能方案,进而分析了各种方案可能性的程度。韩国无论在经济领域还是战略方面,都应该在建立东亚合作的进程中发挥重要作用。一定程度上,东盟和韩国在东亚地区自由贸易协定达成的过程中拥有更广阔的空间,同时在中日之间也发挥着协调者和推动者的重要角色。     

日本与东盟双边贸易状况的实证分析

日本与东盟双边贸易的状况影响着东亚一体化的进程,本文主要选用1994—2003年的数据,运用一些指标对日本与东盟主要国家的贸易状况进行了实证分析。从中发现:日本与东盟主要国家在贸易方面的联系很紧密,尤其是日本在贸易方面对东盟的依赖程度较强,且日本与东盟主要国家产业内互补的贸易有所增加,但增长较慢;双方贸易增长主要来源于对方市场的扩大。     

东亚区域合作领导权模式构想:东盟机制下的中美日合作领导模式

在东亚区域合作进程中,不能不面对领导权的问题。由于东亚地区政治、经济、文化、制度等方面的多元化,决定了该地区合作进程中领导权问题的特殊性。目前东亚地区的领导权(主导权)现状是小国主导模式(东盟模式)。本文笔者对可能存在的美国领导模式、日本领导模式、中国领导模式、中日合作领导模式等进行了可行性分析,提出了东盟机制下的中美日合作领导模式。东盟机制下的中美日合作领导模式解决了中、美、日三大国都不具备单独领导该地区的绝对资质问题;承认了美国在东亚的利益存在,有利于实现美国与东亚国家间的共存共赢;尊重了目前东盟主导东亚区域合作的现实,弥补了东盟模式的不足;能够调动中等国家、非政府组织等利益相关者的积极性。     

Moving Towards an ASEAN Economic Community

Why are the ASEAN economies increasingly becoming anxious about regional integration? To stay competitive is an obvious answer. Greater cohesion is also imperative for ASEAN to sustain its credibility of being able to provide the platform for interactions in East Asia and the rest of the world. Yet what is offered by the ASEAN Free Trade Area, the ASEAN Framework Agreement on Services, and the ASEAN Investment Area may not be adequate or comprehensive enough for the Association to amass the economic clout commensurate with its position as a pivotal player in East Asia. The ASEAN Economic Community is thus the logical, but not automatic, extension of these regional efforts. Can it come to fruition? This paper discusses how the ASEAN economies may address key issues that have hampered deeper economic integration in the region.     

东南亚地区形势:2007年

2007年的东南亚地区形势,可以用如下三句话概括:经济差强人意,政治走向稳定,内外关系基本和谐.经济方面,东南亚10国已经摆脱金融危机的阴影,在印度和中国经济高速列车的带动下,正在步入新的发展阶段;政治方面,东南亚各国已经基本完成了两代人之间权力的过渡,新一代领导人正在成长,今后,将由这些新一代的领导人为东南亚掌舵;地区国际关系方面,东盟比较好地处理与协调内外关系,东盟的内部关系基本上是和谐的,在对外关系方面,东盟继续在各个大国之间寻求一种权力的平衡,继续谋求巩固东盟在地区事务中的领导地位.