共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Phil Ryan 《Political studies》1997,45(5):853-854
David Schlosberg, 'Communicative Action in Practice', Political studies (1995) XLIII, 291–311 相似文献
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Richard Buenneke 《Astropolitics》2013,11(2):237-259
Although a nation's interest in protecting its commercial assets in space would seem obvious, the task of protecting commercial satellites is inherently complicated. Protection of commercial space infrastructure requires coordination among multiple actors in the public and private sectors. Although most public sector actors ultimately report to the same political leadership, the process of establishing coherent policies across agencies can take time. Coordination is even more complicated in the private sector, where multi-national firms compete against each other for profits by serving a wide range of customers. Given the complexities of this process, it is not surprising that efforts to protect commercial satellite communications (SATCOM) networks have been slow in coming. At the same time, recent progress in the U.S. may pave the way for a more coherent approach to commercial SATCOM protection. If successful, these efforts can provide increased assurance of uninterrupted satellite connectivity, thus benefiting the economic and national security interests of America, its allies and its trading partners. 相似文献
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《Strategic Comments》2013,19(7-8):i-iii
British spies’ bulk collection of citizens’ phone and internet metadata doesn't breach EU law, a new government report says. However, the document does recommend an overhaul of the complex UK law governing the field. 相似文献
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David C. Nixon 《Public administration review》2001,61(4):483-492
Confirmation politics for judicial appointees is an exhaustively studied phenomenon, but the politics of appointment for independent agencies is less well understood, because nominees are very rarely rejected and the Senate fails even to hold a recorded vote for most appointees. However, alternative evidence of conflict between the president and the Senate is available: the length of time it takes to fill a vacancy on a board or commission. An empirical assessment of FCC vacancies, based on an exponential regression model of vacancy duration, demonstrates that statutory restrictions on the partisanship of the board significantly deteriorate the efficiency of the appointment process. In addition, the appointment of minorities (though not of women) occurs only after unusually drawn‐out appointments. A straightforward test of whether divided government leads to extended vacancies turns up negative. 相似文献
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Martin Rudner 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):473-490
Canada's Communications Security Establishment has undergone a far-reaching transformation in conjunction with the expanded role of Signals Intelligence in the global ‘war on terror’. For the first time, Canada adopted a formal statute for CSE, including an expanded remit for countering terrorism. With a shift in targeting priorities towards terrorism and threats to Canadian interests abroad, Canada's participation in SIGINT-related international partnerships takes on new significance. The collection of communication intelligence touches upon public sensibilities regarding privacy rights of Canadians. The evolution of Canadian SIGINT capabilities was therefore accompanied by the establishment, as early as 1996, of a system for intelligence accountability and review, the Office of the CSE Commissioner. Recent advances in communications technology and pressing requirements for Signals Intelligence have impelled changes in the law, while also accentuating the role played by the CSE Commissioner in scrutinizing CSE activities to ensure compliance with ministerial authorizations and the laws of Canada. 相似文献
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杨郁娟 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2014,(2):43-47
泛滥两岸的电信诈骗犯罪具有非接触性、运作产业化、技术智能性等特点,要求两岸侦查机关简化程序,展开常态化、形式多样化的警务合作。两岸近年来的警务合作取得了一些经验和成果,这是两岸警务合作的实践基础和思想基础。两岸应协商建立和完善定期会晤制、直接联系人制,适时开展犯罪信息互换平台建设,强化培训、交流,以推进两岸电信诈骗犯罪侦查警务合作深入发展。 相似文献
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针对政府培训与农民受训的现状,从政府与农民之间关于培训信息的不对称表象入手,运用信号传递博弈模型论证了加强政府与农民之间的信号传递可以大力提高农民对政府的信任度及其参与培训的积极性,并在此基础上提出对应的策略建议. 相似文献
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Using the Parliamentary Communications Allowance, MP David Drew recently conducted a large scale research project into public opinion on the British Constitution. There could not have been a better time to do so. Not only are we in the wake of severe economic and political crises, but also a period of unprecedented legislative interest in the constitution. Coordinated by Ed Leighton (an undergraduate at the LSE), the project consisted of a postal survey of 43,000 households, public debates around the constituency and workshops in local schools. The response from the public was incredible, and the results both interesting and unexpected. This article will outline some of those findings and demonstrate that large scale consultations with the public are both readily achievable and warmly welcomed. That this can all be done within the budget of the Parliamentary Communications Allowance also shows that at its best this fund can be used to genuinely engage with the public. 相似文献
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This paper presents empirical evidence of the extent to which municipal governments might be affected by federal preemption in the communications sector in light of the substantial variation in municipal governments' reliance on communications tax revenues. The results suggest that the federal preemption would have a negative fiscal impact on the majority of municipal governments, and the extent of the impact would vary substantially. The analysis also indicates that it would be challenging or legally impossible for some city governments to make up for the magnitude of revenue loss due to the states' constraints on municipal revenue‐raising capacity. 相似文献
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Estimating the Effect of Elite Communications on Public Opinion Using Instrumental Variables 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
A central question in the study of democratic polities is the extent to which elite opinion about policy shapes public opinion. Estimating the impact of elites on mass opinion is difficult because of endogeneity, omitted variables, and measurement error. This article proposes an identification strategy for estimating the causal effect of elite messages on public support for European integration employing changes in political institutions as instrumental variables. We find that more negative elite messages about European integration do indeed decrease public support for Europe. Our analysis suggests that OLS estimates are biased, underestimating the magnitude of the effect of elite messages by 50%. We also find no evidence that this effect varies for more politically aware individuals, and our estimates are inconsistent with a mainstreaming effect in which political awareness increases support for Europe in those settings in which elites have a favorable consensus on the benefits of integration. 相似文献
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Helen Bound 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2006,65(4):107-108
The deeply embedded nature of dominant assumptions creates an accepted language and way of thinking about ICT, leaving little space for alternative perspectives and ideologies. Policy directions link information technology, the information economy, innovation, competition and global markets. Innovation and information and communications technology constructs a particular application of innovation and directs funding accordingly. Given that policy is about how we categorise, about naming and naming shapes action, the question is what lenses do policy makers use to make choices in their synthesis of social, political and economic life? Using the Australian Information Communications and Technology (ICT) policy as a case study, this article will argue that policy reflects the economic, social and political ideologies of the decision makers. Despite opportunities for input into policy multiple perspectives are limited. Specifically the article looks at claims around consultation, the assumption that the information economy will benefit all Australians, the development of framework conditions for the information economy and the role of government. 相似文献