马来西亚多元文化社会中的华人文化

冷战结束后 ,全球化浪潮席卷全球。在全球化过程中 ,现代性并没有带来文化的同质性 ,反而更凸现了各个族群文化与历史传统的差异性。与其他族群自我文化身份认同的诉求相比 ,多元文化和差异政治对马来西亚来说本身就已经是一个既定的历史存在。值得我们关注的是 ,在现代化的同质性过程中 ,马来西亚的多元文化并没有被同一性所消融 ,反而更凸现了其文化的差异性。在全球化过程中 ,马来西亚国家文化问题更重要的是如何在一种相互尊重、相互理解的平等对话机制下 ,能真正享有使各族群文化能够自由发展的多元文化社会。马来西亚是一个多民族的国…     

近代马来亚华人的国家认同(1511—1957)

马来西亚是一个拥有多元文化的多民族国家,华人已成为马来西亚社会不可或缺的组成部分。华人自16世纪初开始在马来亚地区定居,并逐渐形成华人社会这一特殊社会群体,至今已有近500年的历史。华人参与建设了马来西亚的国家发展过程,做出了不可估量的贡献。同时,近代华人这一特殊社会群体政治上的认同对象,也因马来亚国内形势和国际形势的变化而有所不同,大致经历了认同于祖籍国中国、认同对象复杂和认同于居留国马来亚,三个阶段。     

马来西亚华人与印度人的文化认同和政治参与

马来西亚是个多族群国家。马来人在政治上占主导地位,华人在经济上具备一定的实力,印度人则是马来西亚不可忽视的第三大族群。华人和印度人作为马来西亚的外来族群,移民背景相似,在文化认同和政治参与上既存在相似之处也有不同点。马来西亚华人和印度人的基本情况     

马来西亚的族群边界与少数族群的认同——以印度人穆斯林为例

本文从历史的角度探讨了马来西亚族群边界的成因及其划分标准。这种以种族和宗教为依据的族群划分标准,让身兼双重身份的马来西亚印度人穆斯林饱受身份重叠之苦。马来西亚印度人穆斯林的认同遭到了同样信仰伊斯兰教的马来族群和以印度教教徒居多的印度人族群的拒绝。为获取政治、经济等社会资源,印度人穆斯林不得不在马来族群和印度人族群之间寻找皈依。印度人穆斯林社会的案例表明,马来西亚多元社会的融合之路依然任重道远。     

印度尼西亚华裔新生代的族群认同、族群关系及对华认知

本文基于在印度尼西亚和中国的问卷调查,旨在考察印度尼西亚华裔新生代的族群认同、族群关系及对华认知。研究发现,印度尼西亚华裔新生代在政治上已经完全效忠当地,但在文化上,他们对祖籍国仍有一定的情感向往,并保留着一定程度的中华文化的烙印。在族群关系上,印度尼西亚华人与本土族群的隔阂仍然存在,本土族群对华人的政治效忠仍然持怀疑态度。不过,经过印度尼西亚政府十多年来的积极改善,华人与当地族群的关系将朝着良好的方向发展。整体而言,印度尼西亚华裔新生代对中国有较为积极的认知,对中国文化和语言有较强的求知欲。此外,是否有到过中国的经历也影响着他们对中国的认知程度。     

不同的历史想象:马来西亚族群政治的起源

马来人和华人的不同历史想象,导致马来西亚迄今仍然面对许多政治上的身份认同问题。本文简析马来西亚马来人和华人的民族主义起源,并梳理辛亥革命后的重大历史事件所造成的种种政治后遗症,探讨当今马来西亚族群政治的面貌。     

国家认同与族群认同:以马来西亚为例

国家与族群具有不同的结构与功能,因而国家认同与族群认同的要素,特别是二者的认同基础存在较大的差异。正是这种差异决定着二者关系的基本形态。国家的公共性要求它不应该将政治政策偏向任何一个族群。族群平等是国家认同与族群认同的平衡点,否则,可能会导致政策所损害的族群对国家存在意义的质疑。马来西亚独立后,特别是20世纪70年代后,实施的正是偏向马来人的政策,从而造成非马来人对国家的不满。     

华文诗坛的奇葩

吴岸诗歌研讨会于1998年6月17日在北京举行。中国著名诗人邵燕祥、牛汉、谢冕、叶延滨等六十多位来宾出席了会议。吴岸祖籍中国广东澄海，出生在马来西亚沙捞越这片美丽的土地上。他热爱祖籍国优美、灿烂的文化，更热爱拉让江和沙捞越的山山水水，这些不仅给予他生命和精神的滋养，还成为他诗歌创作的灵感和源泉。四十年来，他从一个尝试诗歌创作的中学生，成长为马来西亚的艺术之子，被推举为马来西亚华人作家协会主席、国际华文诗人笔会副秘书长。他在工作之余共出版了《盾上的诗篇》、《达邦树礼赞》、《我何曾睡着》、《旅者》、《榴赋…     

评《马来西亚印度人的历史、问题及其未来》

马来西亚的印度族群是当今马来西亚社会体系中一个重要的构成单元。毋庸置疑，印度族群在构建马来西亚现代民族国家的历程中所扮演的角色和贡献，其重要性远不能以这个族群在马来西亚社会中所占的比重来考量和诠释。《马来西亚印度人的历史、问题及其未来》（TheMalaysia Indians：History，Problems and Future）系已故的幕扎法·德斯蒙德·泰特（Muzafar Desmond Tate）先生的最后一部学术专著。     

马来西亚华文课程关注个体差异的发展过程初探

马来西亚是一个多语言文化的国家。而多语言源流并存的教育体系是马来西亚多元种族社会的一个重要特点，也是殖民统治时期的遗产。马来西亚教育体系中的主流学校是马来学校，以国语（马来语）为教学媒介语；华文小学（华小）属于非主流学校，以华文为教学媒介语。虽然华文小学是非主流学校，但是约90％的华裔学生却在华小就读，而且华文不仅仅是一个科目，也是学习其他科目的工具，     

试论“地震天谴论”与“日本暧昧论”——两种截然不同的对日本“国家定位”和“未来走向”的诉求

石原慎太郎的"地震天谴论"和大江健三郎"日本暧昧论"代表了"三一一"巨大地震后日本两种截然不同的对"国家定位"和"未来走向"的诉求。前者的民族主义话语本意和后者的理想主义追求形成鲜明对照。它们的相同点是均要面对沉重的历史负资产和日美同盟关系等尖锐的现实问题,两者构成了极其矛盾即"暧昧"的两极。今后日本在"国家定位"等问题上将在这两极之间摇摆。在这样的情况之下,中国因素将起到重要的作用。     

论俄罗斯信息安全战略的“综合型”

波涛汹涌的信息技术革命和信息网络化浪潮在给人类带来良好机遇的同时,也带来了日趋激烈的信息战。信息战对信息安全的威胁和挑战越来越严重,对人类社会的冲击越来越广泛、越来越深刻,迫使人们研究应对战略和策略。俄罗斯在依据国情的情况下,实施了“综合型”信息安全战略,强调“以维护信息安全为重点,维护国家的综合安全”,并为此采取了种种措施,例如:提出第六代战争论、打击网络黑客、治理垃圾邮件等,以保证本国的信息安全。     

日本“政治大国”走向与自主防卫

进入20世纪80年代以后,作为经济强国的日本已经不再满足于“经济大国政治小国”的地位,历届内阁开始要求与经济大国地位相适应的政治大国地位。日本政府在寻求实现政治大国目标的过程中,主要选择了以军事领域作为突破口,以成为军事大国带动政治大国目标的实现。具体体现在强化日美同盟、建立和完善有事法制、保持自主、高效的自卫力量与积极参与联合国维和行动四个方面。     

Humiliation Experienced by Somali Refugees in Norway

Life as a refugee attempting to create a new life in an unfamiliarcountry is filled with uncertainties. Due to a lack of languageand cultural knowledge, misunderstandings occur. People in thesecircumstances are vulnerable to experiences of humiliation.The majority population's prejudices against strangers alsocontribute to newly-arrived refugees experiencing more humiliatingsituations than do others. This paper attempts to analyse experiencesof humiliation among refugees, using Somali refugees as a case.The principal research question here is why and how refugeesexperience humiliation in exile. What kinds of situations triggerfeelings of humiliation in refugees and why are these situationsexperienced as humiliating? This paper attempts to develop atheory of humiliating experiences among exiles, based on interviewswith 27 Somalis and 20 Norwegians, as well as participatoryobservations and meetings with a focus group. Refugees in asociety vastly different from that of their home country mightbe vulnerable to intimidation, and might also be met in hurtfulways. Humiliation occurring in the home country might continuein the new country, and new types of humiliating situationsmight develop between individuals from the home country in thenew setting. The theory set forth here identifies typical reactionsof the refugees to certain humiliating situations, and offerssome suggestions for ways to prevent humiliating experiences.     

日本中小企业市场竞争创新战略——以“共创环境经营”为中心

8 0年代后期以来 ,日本中小企业的存立基础、经营环境、市场竞争的空间、内容、方式、手段在发生变化。适应这种形势的发展 ,它们解读时代、市场、消费生活、意识的变化 ,重新认识本业的实际 ,着眼于利用外部资源、强化信息能力、开发中间技术、地区振兴 ,精细耕耘区域市场 ,与地区社会、国际化共生 ,挑战信息化与环境市场 ,进行市场竞争创新 ,特别是“共创环境经营”的经验 ,给我们提供了有益的启示。     

郁达夫的“自我小说”与日本“私小说”之比较

郁达夫的文学创作深受日本“私小说”的影响 ,这已是不争的事实。郁达夫的小说创作可以概括为“自我小说” ,它和日本的“私小说”有着十分明显的相似之处 ,但由于中日两国国情、文化心理和文学传统的不同 ,郁达夫的“自我小说”和日本的“私小说”这两种文学现象在内容上又有着本质的不同     

The "We" Problem in Teaching International Studies

This article addresses the problems that emerge when students in international studies courses approach the subject matter from the perspective of the first person plural. Whether in terms of "we,""us," or "our," many college students choose to adopt a personal perspective in discussions of international affairs. While it is natural for students to base their analysis of international studies on their personal observations and experiences, this inclination to adopt a collective first person approach detracts from the scholarly neutrality toward which students of global studies should aspire. Furthermore, a first person plural approach to course subject matter creates the false impression among students that they are all in agreement over contentious issues of global interactions and the theories employed to study them. The article concludes with suggestions for remedying the "we" problem, and offers advice for instructors who have encountered it in their own classroom.     

The "Belt and Road" Initiative:A Chinese Concept for Global Development

China's "Belt and Road" initiative is emerging as the Western-dominated world order is declining.Capitalism has intensified the rich-poor divide and power politics have led to great upheavals.Western values have caused a "value dislocation" for non-Western countries.The world is calling for new development concepts.The "Belt and Road"initiative has emerged as an answer.It embodies China's ideas on global development.First,it works for the "common prosperity" of every country,which will ease contradictions between the South and the North.Second,it emphasizes geo-economic integration that will heal the fragmentation of Eurasia.Third,it advocates linkages between people and inclusiveness to create a new kind of civilization.However,many difficulties and challenges lie ahead for the implementation of the "Belt and Road" initiative.     

Trade Structure and the Effectiveness of America's "Aggressively Unilateral" Trade Policy

When does America's "aggressively unilateral" trade policy work best to open overseas markets? This paper revisits the determinants and effectiveness of Section 301 of U.S. trade law and develops a modified two-level game model for understanding the conditions under which domestic interests and institutions support the use of aggressive negotiation tactics. It argues that a system-level variable, the structure of trade, systematically affects threat effectiveness by influencing both the level of unity among domestic interest groups and the degree of divided government in the sender of threats (the United States). America's sanction threats will enjoy more unified domestic support and hence be more credible when the dispute involves a country having a competitive trade relationship with the U.S. (such as Japan, Canada, and the European Union) rather than one having a complementary trade relationship with the U.S. (such as China, India, and Brazil). Statistical tests based on the universe of Section 301 cases concluded between 1975 and 1995 yield evidence in support of this contention.     

"New Wars" and Rumors of "New Wars"

Recently, there has been a growing tendency to suggest "new" classes of wars that are presumably different from all wars we have known and studied. In this article, we discuss the extent to which the landscape of armed conflict has changed so dramatically that it has necessitated a revision of the prevalent typology of war, a reconsideration of the correlates of war, and a reconceptualization of the theoretical assumptions regarding the etiology of war. While it is clear that patterns of warfare shift across time and space, it is not clear that war itself has changed "fundamentally" and has become inexplicable in light of theoretical arguments in world politics as many "new war" theorists suggest. Our analysis demonstrates that many of the "new wars" are simply amalgamations of various interstate, extrastate, and intrastate wars-i.e., the "old wars"-that have been lumped into a single category. The result is a hodgepodge of armed conflicts whose different correlates derive from their diverse morphologies rather than their novelty as wars unlike any we have experienced previously.