Africa's New Look

This address was given by the colonial editor of "The Times"to a joint meeting of the Royal African Society and Royal EmpireSociety on April 4, 1957. Mr. Arthur Gaitskell, C.M.G., presided.     

Look for the Blind Spot where Structural Realism Meets Pluralistic Stagnation

The predominant traditions in international relations and comparative political economy both failed to anticipate the end of the cold war. The explanation is not that these traditions are flawed; rather it is that they developed in response to different kinds of questions. Structural realism explains the distribution of power in the international system, not the attitudes or expectations of domestic elites. Meanwhile institutionalist traditions at the domestic level focus on explaining stability, persistence or path-dependence and not sudden or sweeping change. Given their focus, these different traditions built on assumptions that were ill-suited to explain the end of communism. They are better suited, however, to explaining what happened to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe once communism fell.     

From the Claw to the Lion: A Critical Look at Capitalist Globalization

ABSTRACT

This article argues that capitalist globalization is largely responsible for creating or intensifying many of our most serious economic and social problems. It first describes the forces that drove core country transnational corporations to create a complex system of cross-border production networks. It then maps the resulting new international division of labor, in which Asian countries, especially China, import primary commodities from Latin American and sub-Saharan African countries to produce exports for core countries, especially the United States. In core countries, globalization has led to the destruction of higher paying jobs, financialization of economic activity, and stagnation. While the new international division of labor has boosted third world rates of growth, especially in Asia, it has also left the third world with unbalanced and inequitable economies. Moreover, contradictions in the globalization process point to the spread of core country stagnation to the third world. Capitalist globalization has increased third world dependence on core country consumption while simultaneously undermining core country purchasing power. The article ends by discussing a process and program of transformation that highlights the feasibility of an alternative to global capitalism as well as the organizational capacities and institutional arrangements that must be developed if we are to realize it.     

Malaysia's Role in Asian Regional Cooperation: A Look at Foreign Policy Themes

Blessed with a vastly diverse multiracial population comprising a plethora of divergent political views and religious aspirations, Malaysia's nation-building efforts have been a unique experiment. Since the colonial period, the country had to contend with three large and distinct ethnic groups, which largely, due to history, could be identified most closely by their role and place in Malaysia's society and economy. Upon gaining independence, this nascent polity was confronted with a colossal task—to unite the various ethnic groups in the country under a single national vision and a cohesive economic development strategy.

Today, despite several shortcomings, Malaysia has hitherto been relatively successful in building a competent economic model based on a complex formula of multiracial unity in the country. Malaysia can be said to be one of the few countries that has been successful in balancing national imperatives with ethnic and religious realities.

It is this understanding of and response to a uniquely pluralistic demographic landscape that has served as the underlying philosophy of Malaysia's foreign policy. The country's approach to building relationships in the region starts from a deep appreciation of the diverse ethnic, religious and cultural nature of Asian societies. Her many policies over the past fifty years aimed at strengthening ties with her Asian neighbors based on enlightened self-interest and mutual political, social and economic benefit. Her domestic experience in dealing with a multitude of Asian races and cultures enabled Malaysia to empathize with the challenges that Asian nations face. This allowed her to forge close cooperation with many Asian countries over the years. Overall, it would appear that Malaysia not only was able to achieve her national motto “Unity is Strength” within its borders but was able to work with her neighbors to attempt to achieve it internationally.

This paper therefore seeks to analyze how Malaysia's outlook came about, how it manifested in her foreign policies and in the approach of her partners.     

中国青少年对日意识调查报告——中国青少年能够理性看待日本

为了解中国青少年如何认识和看待日本，中国社会科学院“中国青少年对日意识调查”课题组将中国青少年的对日认知程度作为调研对象，于2008年9月下旬至12月上旬进行了一次小规模的问卷调查。通过此次对日意识调查可以看出，中国青少年对日本的了解和认识是比较全面的，其主流意识是正确的，地域环境、教育背景、互联网和日本文化对中国青少年的对日认知有一定影响。同时，调查结果也表明，当代中国青少年在不忘历史、正视历史的前提下，能够理性、客观、全面地看待和认识日本。     

东向政策与大国平衡:印度东盟认知的改变

印度东盟关系的发展得益于印度的东向政策和东盟的大国平衡战略,而双方认知的改变是其根源。     

The Deep Roots of Libya’s Security Fragmentation

Abstract

Six years after the 2011 revolution that toppled the Gaddafi regime, the political transition in Libya is at a standstill. The fragmented security landscape fuels chronic local conflicts, lawlessness, and insecurity, and paralyzes the political transition with destabilizing consequences on its neighbors. What explains the rapid, profound, and lasting security fragmentation that affected post-Gaddafi Libya? Notwithstanding the manifest failures of the international intervention during and after the 2011 conflict, this article argues that the security fragmentation in post-Gaddafi Libya is deeply rooted in domestic economic, cultural, and political factors. In particular, the Libyan economy offers almost no employment opportunities, and the country lacks a unitary government and functioning state institutions that it needs to redistribute its oil wealth. Under these circumstances, Libyans attempt to cope with economic hardship, insecurity, and lawlessness by turning towards their family, tribe, neighborhood, or ethnic group, thereby fueling the fragmentation of security. Libya’s current security fragmentation and instability can be seen as part of the messy historical process of state formation. During this phase, political and security agreements are brokered and institutionalized through localized processes of rebel governance whose realm of possible arrangements are determined by contextual economic, political and cultural constraints.     

沉痛悼念李慎之先生

中国社会科学院原副院长李慎之先生因病于 2 0 0 3年 4月 2 2日在北京逝世 ,享年 79岁。李慎之先生 1 92 3年出生于江苏无锡 ,1 94 1至 1 94 5年 ,先后在北京燕京大学经济系、上海圣约翰大学经济系和成都燕京大学学习。 1 94 6年至 1 94 9年 ,在重庆新华日报国际版任资料员 ,后到延安新华通讯社国际部任编辑 ,1 94 8年 1 1月加入中国共产党。1 94 9年起 ,在新华社国际部任编辑组组长、副主任。 1 95 3年参加朝鲜板门店谈判。 1 95 4年至 1 95 7年上半年 ,随同周恩来总理参加过多次外交活动 ,包括 1 95 4年的日内瓦会议、1 95 5年的万隆亚非…     

重塑规则还是整合地缘:亚太经济深度一体化的模式之争

亚太经济合作已经进入深度一体化阶段,在这一进程中出现了美国"自上而下"的"规则重塑型"模式与中国"自下而上"的"地缘整合型"模式的竞争,二者在整合平台、覆盖范围、政策导向重点、战略依托和路径取向等方面都存在着巨大的差异。在"规则重塑型"模式的冲击下,升级中国—东盟自贸区应尽量避免大幅提高制度化水平和规则约束力,只能适当扩大规则覆盖面、增强政策协调性,同时着重推进务实的功能性建设,灵活运用多层次机制,深入整合地缘经济关系,持久蓄积影响力并向周边持续纵深辐射,以此构建中国与东盟各国的利益共同体。     

Perils of the Deep: The Dangers of Submarine Proliferation in the Seas of East Asia

Abstract

Greater numbers of submarines are being acquired in the Asia-Pacific. This development poses challenges in the region for preventive diplomacy, maritime confidence building, and ensuring the safety of submarine operations. However, countries are extremely sensitive about submarine operations and meeting these challenges will be difficult. The article discusses technological developments with submarines and antisubmarine warfare and the implications for regional naval operations. It identifies the risks associated with increased numbers of submarines, particularly in the narrow seas of East Asia, and recommends measures that might mitigate the adverse consequences of submarine proliferation, including enhancing submarine safety. It concludes that there is a pressing need to start discussion of these measures in regional forums.     

Working On,Through and Around the State: The Deep Marketisation of Development in the Asia-Pacific

Abstract

This article describes an important new push by international financial institutions towards broadening and deepening capitalist social relations in the underdeveloped world in ways well beyond Washington Consensus structural adjustment or even post-Washington Consensus forms of institutionally-oriented “participatory neo-liberalism.” Described here as the “deep marketisation of development” (or simply “deep marketisation”), this process is attracting increasing resources that are formally allocated directly to private actors around states, while also demanding and promoting shifts in state form and function that relate to cultivating “enabling environments” for capital and facilitating “access to finance.” The article begins by conceptualising deep marketisation and placing it in historical and political context. The second section presents examples of deep marketisation in action in the work of the World Bank's private sector arm, the International Finance Corporation, in the Asia-Pacific. The article concludes by highlighting some serious concerns with the deep marketisation agenda.