美国极右组织约翰·伯奇协会的沉浮及其对美国外交的影响

约翰·伯奇协会(John Birch Society,以下简称协会)是战后美国出现的一个极右组织。麦卡锡主义遭谴责后冷战格局的进一步发展,美国国内社会问题的日益严重,《权利法案》提供的保护以及美国国内存在的区域纷争,为协会的建立和存续提供了条件。与麦卡锡主义一样,协会也主张“共产主义阴谋论”,但在表述方法和所包含的内容方面又较麦卡锡主义灵活而丰富。作为一个组织,协会实行严格的集权制管理,通过发行刊物和公报、建立委员会、寄发邮件和游行示威等方式宣传自己的主张。它的极右言行对战后美国保守主义运动产生了不容忽视的影响,但协会对“共产主义阴谋论”的泛化和它对美国政界人物的指责,使它逐步失去了保守主义运动主流派的支持,沦为边缘右派。     

Asian Industrialization in Latin American Perspective: The Limits to Institutional Analysis

Kang, David C. Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 220 pp.; hardcover $60, paperback $27.99.
Chibber, Vivek. Locked in Place: State-Building and Late Industrialization in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 360 pp.; hardcover $49.50, paperback $22.95.     

大国无战争时代霸权国与崛起国权力竞争的主要机制

冷战后美国和中国各自的行为选择不仅与此前霸权国和崛起国战略互动的历史经验大相径庭,而且现有的理论框架难以对其做出逻辑一致的解释。这种经验和理论上的双重困惑为理论的创新提供了可能。本文首先讨论了1945年以来大国之间几乎不再有战争这一变化对大国影响力获取方式的影响,然后将霸权国和崛起国的行为纳入到博弈的分析框架中,通过类比微观经济世界中寡头企业的行为规律,提出了一个用以解释当前时代霸权国和崛起国互动模式的动态分析框架。根据本文的理论,在"大国无战争"时代,崛起国面临的主要挑战是如何在为小国提供安全保障的利益交换竞争中获胜。当前中国崛起所面临的主要困难并不在于如何避免战争以保证崛起过程的和平,而是在美国业已抢占国际安全保障供给"市场"的情况下,如何保持和提高中国自身的国际影响力。     

Laissez-faire versus Strict Control of Political Finance: Hegemonic Parties and Developmental States in Malaysia and Singapore

ABSTRACT

This article compares the financing of political parties and candidates in two Southeast Asian countries. In Malaysia, some political finance regulations exist only on paper, and political financing is for the most part not restrained at all. In contrast, the financing of candidates and parties has always been tightly circumscribed in Singapore. These different strategies, “laissez-faire” versus “strict control,” are the consequence of various factors. In Malaysia, the New Economic Policy has effected a close, often economically unproductive linkage between the state, the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, and business. The rise of businesspeople has resulted in the commercialization of competition within (the United Malays National Organisation. Additionally, increasing competition between the ruling coalition and the opposition has resulted in growing expenditures for electioneering in the form of advertisements and electoral patronage. The laissez-faire style of regulation has been compounded by the difficult-to-control practices in East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak), where vote buying, electoral patronage based on the largesse of oligarchs, and obvious nonobservance of the rules have been typical. In contrast to Malaysia as a whole, the costs for parties and candidates are still relatively low in Singapore. As a cadre party, the PAP (People's Action Party) is relatively autonomous from private business interests, and intraparty competition is not commercialized; the developmentalist state is highly productive, and the ties between the state, the PAP, and business are not characterized by cronyism. Moreover, electioneering is not very commercialized because the opposition is still relatively weak.     

霸权周期论的贫困--兼析美国霸权是否走向衰落

由于大国力量的兴衰和国际安全形势的新变化,霸权周期论出现了贫困.新兴国家在主观和客观上都难以与挑战国家划等号.大国合作局面的持续与美国霸权强化的并存是21世纪初国际政治发展的现象.在经济全球化和国家安全相互依存不断深化的情况下,避免大国冲突和实现霸权的和平更替是完全可能的.     

以武力取代影响力:美国软实力的削弱

自布什政府上台以来,美国在国际事务中奉行单边主义政策.阿富汗战争后,美国穷兵黩武,不顾国际社会的和平努力,发动了伊拉克战争.其放纵单边主义和军事本能的做法招致了国际社会的强烈反对和不满,国家的影响力和吸引力受到重创.伊战中的情报失真事件和虐囚丑闻更使其恶化的国际形象雪上加霜,美国的软实力在不断受到削弱.     

美国人的特性及其对美国教育的影响

我是个职业外交官.在过去大约25年里,我的工作就是介绍美国,向亚洲、欧洲和南美洲的民众,说明美国的社会、文化、历史与政治.除了担任外交官,我也当过老师.1971到1973年,我在香港中文大学教过英文和美国文学.所以说我在教育方面也有一些经验.本文所要谈的是美国的教育制度,以及美国教育制度如何受到美国人的特性所影响,但是我要用迂回的方式来说.首先,我想问一个简单但是与教育不太有关的问题:究竟什么是美国人?美国人与法国人、德国人、日本人、甚至中国人有什么不同?而美国的文化与社会特性,又如何影响美国的政治制度?然后,再回到原来的主题教育,谈谈美国的生活方式如何影响到美国的教育制度?     

Breaking Out is Hard to Do: Exit, Voice, and Loyalty in Mexico's One-Party Hegemonic Regime

Theoretically based on Albert O. Hirschman's Exit, Voice, and Loyalty , this study examines three cases of rupture or exit by Mexican presidential contenders, in 1940, 1952, and 1988, and one "noncase," in 1999, with a view to how dissidents' strategies shape political institutions. Mexico's PRI-dominated political system depended on its leaders' ability to create an equilibrium based on mutual incentives to remain loyal to the regime.     

南海争端中的美国因素及其影响

在美国重返东南亚的大背景下,南海争端呈现出复杂化的趋势。本文概述了南海争端现状和各方对相关国际法律的不同解读,分析探讨了美国关注南海争端的原因、美国的立场政策、以及美国因素对南海争端当事国的影响。通过剖析美国因素,本文认为,美国对南海问题当事国相关政策或行动的支持倾向,客观上已使得南海问题的多边化、国际化态势逐渐转为现实,美国因素对中国试图解决南海争端的努力形成一定的挑战。     

Singapore: The Limits of a Technocratic Approach to Health Care

Being a tiny, easily managed polity run by Western-educated technocrats, Singapore is an ideal laboratory for those who believe that there is a “logical” answer to the problem of health-care funding in economically advanced societies. Certainly the ruling elite in this not-very-democratic country is convinced that Singapore is the epitome of a rational, technocratic state in which rule is based on supposedly impartial, objective criteria. The government's achievements in the delivery of health care are at the forefront of its showcase of technocratic achievements. This article uses the Singapore government's innovations in health-care funding as a case study to explore and test the limitations of trying to apply purist technocratic premises and methodologies to governance. The limitations it uncovers raise the question of whether a technocratic approach to governance can ever deliver the promised results and suggests that the attraction of “technocracy” is a chimera.     

权力转移、问题转移与范式转移--关于霸权解释模式的探索

本文试图从权力转移、问题转移、范式转移的角度分析当前的世界转型及美国霸权,探索解释霸权的理论模式。本文首先论述了当前权力转移、问题转移的种种表现及其影响,指出权力转移既给予美国独占鳌头的机会,也埋下了美国相对衰落的根源;问题转移赋予了美国巨大的塑造空间,也给美国霸权地位提出了长远观之堪称严峻的挑战。文章认为,美国的霸权战略范式有了转移的必要,解释霸权的理论范式也有了转移的必要,如何看待由权力转移和问题转移所引发的范式转移成为解释美国霸权的重要思路。文章还对美国霸权的既有理论范式进行分析,认为解释美国霸权,应以新现实主义的权力分析为基底、融合新自由制度主义的制度分析和建构主义的观念分析,从而确定一种综合解释模式。     

美国南海政策的军事化及其影响

当前,国际社会正处于"百年未有之大变局"中,中美两国竞争加剧。在这一背景下,美国南海政策的军事化倾向尤为突出。通过案例分析、运用比较分析的方法对美国南海政策军事化及其影响进行探究,可以看出美国南海政策军事化的主要目的是遏制中国的崛起。为达到这一目的,美国提升了"航行自由行动"的频率和烈度,增加了在南海内沿和外围的军事战略存在,还加强了与盟国的同盟关系。不过,美国国内有一部分人认为南海政策军事化目前并未达到其希望的效力,反而使美国在战争与和平之间愈加难以保持平衡。美国在南海地区的影响力受到挑战的同时,中美关系也因此有所倒退,南海局势变得更加复杂。鉴于此,中国一方面要保持克制态度,增强危机意识,做好预案,通过高质量外交对话等方式增进与美国的政治互信,另一方面也要加快推进与东盟国家《南海各方行为准则》的谈判与磋商,与东盟国家一道维护好南海地区的和平与稳定。     

The legal implications of Sudan's accession to the World Trade Organization

Sudan is one of the countries that is currently in the processof negotiating its accession to the World Trade Organization.This article gives an overview of the legal implications ofWTO accession for Sudan, detailing the expected changes andtheir implementation costs in terms of institutional and legalreform. While not exhaustive, it discusses some of the agreementsthat may pose particular implementation challenges, and suggeststhat Sudan should forge links with least developed countries(LDCs) and other WTO members and seek support during the negotiations.The successful conclusion of negotiations and the accessionof Nepal and Cambodia, both LDCs, at the fifth WTO MinisterialConference in September 2003 should provide a positive impetusand lessons for others such as Sudan that are in the processof accession.     

美国工会对中美经贸关系的影响

近年来,美国工会对国际经贸乃至世界经济的影响日益凸现,我国政府和企业应积极采取相应措施积极应对。本文分析了美国工会的特点及对中美经贸活动的影响,并提出了一些应对之策。     

近期美国的东南亚战略及对中国的影响刍议

冷战结束初期 ,由于苏联的解体及美国国内孤立主义的抬头 ,美国在东南亚地区实行收缩战略 ,特别是在军事领域。近年来 ,美国又全面重返东南亚。美国在东南亚的战略从冷战时期的美苏争霸转化为美国尽力维持在东南亚的单极霸权。小布什政府上台后 ,美冷战思维重新抬头 ,美军事战略重点向亚太转移 ,并将东南亚作为美国亚太战略的重要一环 ,展现出咄咄逼人的态势。本文试图从美国的安全战略入手 ,对美国近期的东南亚战略进行分析 ,并研讨其对中国的影响。     

Hybrid Hegemonic Masculinity of the EU before and after the Arab Spring: A Gender Analysis of Euro-Mediterranean Security Relations

In the academic literature on EU–southern Mediterranean relations, a focal point of neglect has been the gendered dimension of Euro-Mediterranean relations. This article argues that the Euro-Mediterranean space has been formed within the gendered global West/non-West relations with the purpose of promoting the West's security interests. Euro-Mediterranean security relations, thus, embody a gendered power hierarchy between the hybrid hegemonic masculinity of the EU (bourgeois-rational and citizen-warrior) and the subordinate (both feminized and hypermasculinized) southern neighbourhood. In addition, it shows that following the Arab Spring the EU has been determined to maintain the status quo by reconstructing these gendered power relations. This gender analysis contributes to the literature on Euro-Mediterranean relations through its specific focus on the (re)construction processes of gendered identities within the West/non-West context in tandem with the EU's competing notions of security.     

The Structural Limits of Depoliticisation in Sri Lanka

ABSTRACT

Sri Lanka’s institutional reform project has gathered momentum with the enactment of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution. The Amendment restored the Constitutional Council, which is mandated to recommend and approve appointments to key ‘independent’ institutions and offices. This article asks what it means to be meaningfully ‘depoliticised’, and explores the dynamics and parameters of the current institutional reform project in Sri Lanka. It argues that the entrenchment of Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarianism within Sri Lanka’s institutional structures has led to ‘institutional decay’. Given such decay, the article points to serious limitations in legalistic approaches that are preoccupied with improving appointment procedures. Since institutions in Sri Lanka are structurally incentivized to appease a majoritarian agenda, relying on legal-textual and institutional reform alone is inadequate. Institutional reform is ultimately constrained by the structural limits of Sri Lanka’s current constitutional framework. The article concludes that meaningful constitutional transformation requires a long-term project that aims to transform the majoritarian socio-political and cultural norms that underpin Sri Lanka’s constitutional order.     

美国新闻业纵论

本文以华裔美国记者的观察角度和从业经历为背景,讨论了美国新闻业的几个核心问题.这些问题包括美国的新闻自由、新闻界与政府的关系、调查性新闻的使命、公共危机中新闻界应有的表现,以及美国新闻业在新世纪面临的种种挑战.作者通过对"9·11"事件的反思,提出了美国新闻界对国际新闻报道的改进建议.文章强调,不论面临何种挑战与变革,准确性、公正性、客观性等原则仍然必须成为新闻业未来的基石.