Measuring the age distribution in Canadian social spending

Canadian governments do not report how their spending breaks down by age. To help fill this void, we document a method to measure total annual social spending per capita for older and younger parts of the population. We estimate that governments combined in 2012 to spend between $33,321 and $40,152 per person age 65+, $13,635 and $14,800 per person age 45 to 64, and $10,406 and $11,614 per person under 45. Measuring the annual age distribution in social spending is necessary for evaluating Canadian commitments to intergenerational equity, and making policy adaptations to socioeconomic and demographic trends facing older and younger citizens.     

Canadian federalism and the challenge of North American integration

Abstract: Canada's growing economic integration within North America has not resulted in parallel trends towards greater political integration or in the general harmonization of policies and regulations, as was hoped by some observers and feared by others. This article explains the incremental adaptation of Canadian federalism to market‐driven economic integration and assesses the factors that contribute to and constrain federal leadership and guidance of these processes. It outlines formal and informal processes for managing and reconciling overlapping jurisdictions ‐described as “complementary federalism” ‐ that balance the pursuit of policy coherence and pressures for policy harmonization with the recognition and accommodation of regional interests. The author examines the development and limits of complementary federalism in three major policy fields ‐ trade policy, taxation and the regulation of financial services and capital markets ‐ affected by trends towards North American economic integration. Sommaire: L'intégration politique et I'harmonisation générale des politiques et des règlements n'ont pas suivi la même courbe ascendante que celle de l'intégration économique du Canada au sein de l'Amérique du Nord, selon I'espoir de certains observateurs et la crainte de certains autres. Cet article explique I'adaptation graduelle du fééeralisme canadien à I'intégration economique axée sur les forces du marché et se penche sur les facteurs contribuant ou freinant le leadership fédéral et son orientation de ces processus. Il expose les processus officiels et officieux permettant de gérer et de concilier les compétences qui se chevauchent ‐ décrits comme une forme de fédéralisme complémentaire ‐ afin d'équilibrer la recherche de cohérence en matiére de politiques, et les pressions exercées pour les harmoniser tout en reconnaissant et en ménageant les intérêts régionaux. L'article examine le déeloppement et les limites du fédéralisme complémentaire dans trois grands domaines de politiques ‐ la politique commerciale, la politique fiscale et la réglementation des services et des marchés financiers ‐ ces domaines étant affectés par les tendances vers une intégration économique nord‐américaine.     

Transparency and accountability in infrastructure stimulus spending: A comparison of Canadian,Australian and U.S. programs

In response to the global financial crisis that began in late 2007, many countries took on significant levels of deficit financing in order to increase spending on public works and infrastructure. This rapid infusion of public funding has raised concerns about the accountability and transparency of stimulus measures, including how best to monitor and evaluate the allocation and impact of the funds and report back to citizens. While there is growing research on the macro‐economic impacts of stimulus spending, very little comparative work has been done on the approaches of different countries to the governance of infrastructure stimulus spending programs. This article focuses on the latter by identifying and explaining the different practices in Canada, Australia and the United States in order to highlight implications for future stimulus‐led investment.     

Canadian cities and the American example: a prologue to urban policy analysis

Abstract: The developmental pattern that characterizes metropolitan areas in the United States often serves as a basis for evaluating the condition of Canadian cities and attributing a distinctive thrust to Canadian urban policy. To be meaningful, however, comparative evaluations have to take account of the way government activities have helped to shape U.S. metropolitan areas over an extended period of time. A criticism implicit in much US. urban analysis is that government activities have persistently contributed to large inequalities in the social and economic condition of metropolitan area municipalities. In Canada, by comparison, interjurisdictional equalization has played a larger role in federal-provincial relations than it has in federal-state relations in the United States. It also seems to have influenced the way provincial governments dealt with municipalities during the 1960s and 1970s. At the present time, however, provincial governments are allowing the governmental systems of metropolitan areas to become more fragmented. They are also under pressure to reduce or abandon their efforts to equalize services and property tax burdens among municipalities. How they respond to that pressure will help to determine how closely the development of Canada's metropolitan areas conforms to the pattern of urban development characteristic of the United States.     

Public health‐care provision in the Canadian provinces and American states

Abstract: While there are broad differences between the health‐care systems in Canada and the United States, sub‐national variation is significant in both countries (though more notably among American states), both in terms of the role of government in the provision of health‐care as well as outputs of the health‐care system such as access and cost‐control. Although this variation is rarely considered in comparisons of health‐care policy in the two countries, the value of using the United States as a comparative reference in contemporary policy debates in Canada would be considerably greater if such variations were utilized to augment the analytical leverage resulting from such comparisons. Sommaire: Alors que les différences entre les systèmes de soins de santé au Canada et aux États‐Unis sont importantes, l'écart infranational est considérable dans les deux pays (bien que plus notoire parmi les États américains) aussi bien en ce qui concerne le rôle joué par le gouvemement dans la prestation des soins de santé, que les extrants du système de soins de santé comme l'accès et le contrôle des coûts. Même si cet écart est rarement pris en compte dans les comparaisons de la politique de soins de santé des deux pays, le fait de recourir aux États‐Unis comme point de référence comparatif dans les débats aduels sur la politique au Canada aurait beaucoup plus de valeur si un tel écart était utilisé pour accroître le levier analytique résultant de telles comparaisons.     

美国西部开发对我国西部大开发的启示

从经济学的角度来看,美国的西部开发是成功的,它为落后地区的经济开发提供了许多有益的经验,也留下了一些值得重视的教训。借鉴美国在西部开发中的一些成功经验,对推进我国西部开发具有一定的参考价值:要按市场经济的规律性去运作;政府政策有助于推动西部大开发进程;发展高新技术产业;做好环境保护规划。     

试析二十世纪五六十年代美国对华民意

20世纪50、60年代,由民意测验反映出美国公众在不同时期、不同事件上对中国的态度是有变化的。这种变化的轨迹与美国政策的发展轨迹并不一致。美国公众的反应不会支配政策,但在一般情况下会支持政府的对华政策。但在另一些情况下受中国对美政策的影响,美国公众也会产生与美国政府不同的反应。     

从接触到竞争:美国对华经济战略的转型

从20世纪70年代开始,美国逐渐调整之前遏制中国的政策,开始实行对华接触以共同应对日益增长的苏联威胁,这一战略历经反复曲折而最终在90年代末定型。美国接触战略的重要内容是"经济接触",即通过大力发展对华经贸关系,促使中国在政治、经济和社会各方面朝着美国所希望的方向演变。奥巴马政府时期,面对中国的快速崛起,美国的经济接触增加了一些"经济防范"的因素,但总体而言其接触的方向没有变化。从2015年开始,美国国内掀起了新一轮对华政策辩论,其核心论题就是美国的接触政策是否已然失败。2017年底,美国政府将中国定位为"战略竞争者",随后中美在2018年爆发了空前的"贸易战"并持续至今,这在很大程度上宣告了美国经济接触的终结,新的"经济竞争"态势拉开序幕,标志着美国对华经济战略的一次重大转型。经贸关系一直被认为是中美关系的"压舱石",因而经济接触的终结和经济竞争的开始和演进,将会深刻改变中美双边关系乃至整个全球秩序。     

Reining in James: the limits of the task force

Abstract. Special planning groups composed of non-civil servants are useful in removing burdensome issues from officials and ministers, but if they seriously inconvenience an administration they will be restrained. This is an account of such a case, involving F. Cyril James's Committee on Reconstruction (1941-43), which shows how the Committee was brought under control for discussing post-World War Two plans with the provinces. This extreme case throws into question some conventional thinking about task forces. It also highlights an essential trade-off between coherent and comprehensive planning based in the bureaucracy, and ease of implementation based on a consensus which may be most effectively secured by the wide consultations characteristic of ‘extra-departmental’ committees. Sommaire. Les groupes spéciaux de planification composés de non fonctionnaires sont utiles en ce qu'ils aident à retirer des mains des fonctionnaires et des ministres des questions difficiles, mais lorsqu'ils dérangent sérieusement une administration, on limite leurs pouvoirs. C'est ce qu'illustre le présent cas du Comité de reconstruction de F. Cyril James (1941-43); l'article démontre comment ce comité fut réprimé pour avoir discuté avec les provinces des projets postérieurs à la Seconde guerre mondiale. Ce cas extrême remet en question l'idée que l'on se fait traditionnellement des groupes de travail. Il met également en lumiére un compromis essentiel entre la planification cohérente et compéte reposant sur la bureaucratie et la facilité d'exécution reposant sur un consensus qui peut être obtenu le plus efficacement par les consultations de grande envergure caractéristiques des comités extra-ministériels.     

Redistributive federalism: Redistributing wealth and income in the Canadian federation

The Government of Canada has been engaged in a massive redistribution of wealth and income from some provinces – usually British Columbia, Alberta and Ontario – to the other provinces and territories. This redistribution has been accomplished through a number of federal government programs that may have been presented to the public as having nation‐wide applicability and not necessarily designed to meet the needs of any particular province or territory. These federal programs are part of a coherent redistributive whole, but each demonstrates how redistribution has been accomplished. They include transfer programs, such as Equalization and Territorial Formula Financing, that have explicitly addressed the horizontal fiscal imbalance. They also include transfer programs like the Canada Health Transfer, the Canada Social Transfer, labour market training and development, and infrastructure that have implicitly moved federal fiscal resources to various regions of the country. And they include direct federal spending programs like Employment Insurance, immigrant settlement and regional economic development. The extent of this redistribution is discussed, as are the reasons for this redistributive focus and the impact of such large‐scale federal transfers on provincial budgets. Finally, an assessment is made of why the degree of redistribution appears to have been reduced in recent years.     

Port reform: international perspectives and the Canadian model

Abstract: Global port reform has followed the dictates of neoliberal economics seeking less government involvement in public ports. Although Canadian port reform reflects a shift to the neoliberal right, its slower pace contrasts with the more rapid shift to port corporatization and privatization found in New Zealand and Britain. Despite the vast majority of Canada's international trade being shipped by surface modes to the United States, Canada's major commercial ports do play a vital role in supporting the transportation of goods by sea. Canada's major ports were restructured in 1983 by the Canada Ports Corporation Act. Over time, bureaucratic interference, ministerial directives, and growing domestic and competitive forces created the need for further port reform. A Transport Canada internal review was initiated in 1993 and supplemented with country-wide hearings by the parliamentary standing committee on transport in 1995. The minister issued a white paper, the National Ports Policy in December 1995, followed by the introduction in Parliament of the Canada Marine Act in June 1996. After having been twice adopted by the House of Commons (before and after the 1997 federal election), the act was proclaimed in June 1998. This paper considers Canada's port reform process with measures taken elsewhere, particularly in Australia, New Zealand and Britain, and evaluates its effectiveness in making major commercial ports more flexible, adaptable and competitive. Sommaire: La réforme des ports dans le monde s'est déroulée dans un cadre néolibéral qui visait à réduire la participation gouvernementale dans les ports publics. Si la réforme portuaire au Canada reflète un glissement vers la droite néo-libérale, son rythme est plus lent que celui de la privatisation et de la commercialisation des ports en Nouvelle-Zélande et en Grande-Bretagne. Les grands ports commerciaux du Canada jouent un rôle essentiel en permettant le transport maritime des marchan-dises, msme si la très grande majorité du commerce international du pays fait appel aux transports de surface en provenance ou à destination des États-Unis. Les principaux ports du Canada ont fait l'objet d'une restructuration en 1983 dans le cadre de la Loi sur la Société canadienne des ports. Au fil des années, il est devenu nécessaire d'effectuer une réforme portuatre supplémentaire, vu l'ingérence bureaucratique, les directives ministérielles et la montée de forces concurrentielles et nationales. Une revue interne chez Tranports Canada, amorcée en 1993, a été complétée par des audiences organisées en 1995 à travers le pays par le Comité parlementaire permanent des transports. Le ministre a publié en décembre 1995 un Livre Blanc intituléPolitique portuaire nationale, suivien juin 1996 par la présentation au parlement de la Lot maritime du Canada. Adoptée à deux reprises par la Chambre des communes (avant et après les élections fédérales de 1997), la Loi fut proclamée en juin 1998. Le présent article examine le processus de réforme portuaire au Canada en le comparant am mesures prises ailleurs, particulièrement en Australie, en Nouvelle-Zélande et en Grande-Bretagne, on y examine également dans quelle mesure ce processus rend plus souples, plus adaptables et plus concurrentiels les grands ports commerciaw.     

Responsiveness versus accountability in collaborative federalism: the Canadian experience

Abstract: Accountability is very much on people's minds these days, and the area of intergovernmental relations is no exception. The concern here is that the processes of collaborative federalism developed in the name of “responsiveness” have resulted in the federal and provincial governments no longer being accountable to the public they are meant to serve. This perceived problem has elicited eloquent statements of alarm and various proposals for reform, most of which are grounded in the parliamentary version of the classic hierarchical accountability relationships. This paper presents a critique of proposals for a parliamentary solution to the problem of accountability in Canadian collaborative federalism. It shows that such proposals will not do because they are premised on faulty theoretical grounds. That is, they try to apply the parliamentary version of the classic accountability relationship to collaborative processes, when this resort is precluded by the nature of the locus of authority in the federal paradigm. The result is not a problem but a dilemma: we can have the assurance of classic accountability, or responsiveness seen as collaboration, but not both. The paper concludes that there is no satisfactory way around this dilemma, and that we must recognize that the loss of accountability is the price to be paid for the benefits of collaboration. Sommaire: Le concept d'imputabilité est, de nos jours, un important sujet de préoccupation, et le domaine des relations intergouvernementales ne fait pas exception à cette règle. Le but de ce article est de montrer que le développement du fédéralisme coopératif, issu dun désir des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux de se montrer plus accueillants envers les besoins des administrés, a abouti à la non-imputabilité de ceux-ci vis-à-vis du public qu'ils ont pour mission de servir. Ce problème évident a donné lieu à d'éloquentes mises en garde et à plusieurs projets de réforme, qui s'appuient le plus souvent sur la version parlementaire des relations hiérarchiques classiques en matière d'imputabilité. Cet article présente une critique des projets qui préconisent une solution parlementaire au problème de l'imputabilité au sein du fédérahsme canadien de type cooperatif. Il met en lumière l'inadéquation de tels projets, qui partent tous de prémisses essentiellement théoriques. En clair, ces projets essaient d'appliquer aux processus de collaboration la version parlementaire des rapports d'imputabilité de type classique, alors que cette possibilité est exclue du fait de la nature même de la localisation du pouvoir à l'intérieur du modèle fédéral. Ce qui en resulté, ce n'est pas un problème, mais un dilemme: nous pouvons préserver l'imputabilité au sens classique ou la réceptivité entenctrie au sens d'une collaboration, mais pas les deux en même temps. L'auteur en conclut que ce dilemme n'admet pas de solution satisfaisante et que nous devons done reconnaître que les avantages de la collaboration ne peuvent être obtenirs qu'au prix d'une perte d'imputabilité.     

Human rights in hard times: the post-war Canadian experience

Abstract: Do human rights suffer in hard times? Does the implementation of programs against discrimination weaken during periods of economic decline, showing rights to be a relative luxury available only in good times? This paper seeks to answer the above questions by comparing human rights developments in Canada during the hard times period of the early 1980s to ones during periods immediately before and after. The comparison shows that human rights indeed have suffered in hard times. While there is little evidence to suggest that general support for human rights protection diminishes, there is evidence that political commitment to implementing programs of human rights protection weakens. This was reflected in the diminished funding of anti-discrimination programs during the early 1980s and, in the case of British Columbia, in the radical restructuring and downsizing of a program making it the weakest in Canada. Sommaire: En période de temps difficiles, les droits de la personne en souffrent-ils? La mise en oeuvre des programmes antidiscriminatoires faiblit-elle en périodes de déclin économique, indiquant par là que ces droits ne seraient qu'un luxe relatif réservé aux périodes de prospérité? Cet exposé cherche à répondre à ces questions en comparant l'évolution des droits de la personne au Canada pendant la période difficile du début des années 1980 à la situation que le pays a connue avant et après ces années-là. La comparaison montre bien que les droits de la personne ont effectivement subi un coup en période de temps difficiles. Rien ne semble indiquer que l'appui général à la protection des droits de la personne diminue, mais on voit que l'engagement politique à la mise en oeuvre des programmes de protection s'affaiblit. Ce fléchissement s'est reflété dans la réduction des fonds consacrés aux programmes antidiscrimatoires au début des annés 1980 et, dans le cas dela Colombie-Britannique, dans la restructuration et la réduction radicales du programme, devenu ainsi le plus faible au Canada.     

Populism in Canadian foreign policy: the 1986 review revisited

Abstract: Throughout the 1993 federal election campaign Canadians were subjected to reminders that this was an age of disillusioned populists. One response to this new mood was contained in the now popular Red Book entitled “Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada,” in which the right of Canadians to regular and serious consultations on foreign policy issues was to be affirmed and acted upon. This essay explores how an earlier consultation in 1985–86 was accomplished in the most extensive foreign policy review process ever established by the federal government. It examines the bureaucratic attitudes towards such public input and the critical leadership needed by the minister to ensure that a positive response to the parliamentarians' 121 recommendations was obtained from the bureaucracy. If parliamentary committees are to play the middleman role in brokering diverse and competing ideas emanating from public representations on policy, then ministerial interest, involvement, and clout will be deemed necessities before acceptance and policy implementation become a reality among mandarins. Obtaining public input is much easier than moving the bureaucracy in response to that input. The modes of public administration must be adjusted if democratization of policy making is to become a reality. Sommaire: Tout au long de la campagne d'élection fédérale de 1993, les événements ont rappelé aux Canadiens que notre époque était celle des populistes désillusionnés. Parmi les réactions à ce nouvel état d'esprit figurait le “ Livre rouge ”, entre-temps devenu populaire et intitulé“ Créer des possibilités: le Plan libéral pour le Canada ”, qui affirmait les droits des Canadiens àêtre consultés de manière régulière et sérieuse sur les questions de politique étrangère afin qu'on y donne suite. Le présent article examine la manière dont une consultation antérieure (Hockin-Simard, 1985–1986) a été réalisée dans le cadre du processus de réexamen de la politique étrangère le plus approfondi et jamais entrepris par le gouvernement fédéral. Il examine les attitudes des fonctionnaires face à cette participation du public ainsi que le leadership essentiel dont le ministre avait besoin pour s'assurer d'obtenir une réponse positive du fonctionnariat aux 121 recommandations des députés. Si l'on veut que les comités parlementaires jouent le rôle d'intermédiaires pour faire accepter des idées à la fois diverses et contradictoires provenant des soumissions du public sur les questions de politique, il est absolument nécessaire qu'il y ait intérêt, participation, et forte intervention de la part du ministre avant que l'acceptation et la Inise en oeuvre des politiques ne deviennent éalité parmi les bureaucrates. Il est beaucoup plus facile d'obtenir l'avis du public que de faire bouger la bureaucratie à réagir à cet avis. Les usages d'administmtion publique doivent subir des ajustements si l'on veut que la démocratisation de la définition des politiques devienne réalité.     

Quebec in the Canadian federation: a provisional evaluative framework

Abstract. The authors consider two separate questions concerning the independence of Quebec: would Quebec improve its standard of living if it left the federation? and would political independence make it easier for Quebec to solve its economic problems? They argue that the first question, which is entangled in the ‘battle of regional economic accounts,’ cannot be answered satisfactorily and has drawn too much attention so far. So they focus on the second question, which they dissect into four sub-questions: 1/the options open to Quebec in the international economy; 2/structural adjustment and development policies; 3/employment stabilization policies; and 4/the organization of production and income distribution policy. The authors stress that the margins of latitude open to an independent Quebec would be rather narrow at the international level. But they conclude that, if the rigidities injected by the federal bureaucracy into the functioning of the federation and into the debate between levels of government persist, an independent Quebec could reap some net benefits in terms of economic development, employment stabilization, production organization and income distribution. Hence, the cost of political independence would be an increasing function of the capacity of Canadian federalism to display more flexibility in those matters in the future.     

Evening the keel: Measuring and responding to precarity in the Canadian labour economy

This article argues that misalignment between the realities of work in the new economy and the regulations is having negative health and social implications at all levels of Canadian society. Remedying this requires drastic reshaping of policy approaches, but current laws and employment norms presume the labour market is a static entity. Policymakers should focus on improving how labour market data is collected for producing evidence‐based recommendations, and on re‐evaluating neoclassical economic assumptions underpinning this outdated framework. We argue the expansion of precarious work is reshaping the Canadian economy and society, and provide recommendations for data, policy and administration to address this trend.     

Municipal politics and government: development of the field in Canadian political science

Abstract. Following what has become almost a tradition within the Canadian discipline of political science, this paper attempts an analysis of the development of one field in that discipline. In a sense, a main purpose of the paper is to define the boundaries of the field, an exercise which, given the nature of the field, results in a rather personal definition. Two approaches are taken. First there is a review of the Canadian literature since 1886. That review helps identify the more important sub-fields and analytical approaches. Secondly, the paper reports on a survey of the ways the field is presently taught in Canadian universities and colleges. Assuming that an image of a discipline or of a field is most accurately obtained by examining both writings over time and teaching approaches, the analysis proceeds to identify some of the problems within the field, and offers suggestions for future development of it. The author concludes that because of the highly eclectic nature of the field, in terms of both scope of subject matter and in approaches to analysis, there is a need for more integration among the sub-fields.     

Meech Lake and free trade: studies in Canadian federalism

Canada: Its Framework, Its Foibles, Its Future. By Allan E. Blakeney . 1988 Kenneth R. MacGregor Lecture. Navigating Meech Lake. Edited by Clive Thomson . Federal Leadership in Social and Economic Policy. By Peter M. Leslie . National Citizenships and Provincial Communities: A Review of Canadian Fiscal Federalism and Ethnonationalism in a Federal State: The Case of Canada. By Peter M. Leslie . Research Papers 23 and 24. Canada: The State of the Federation 1987–88. Edited by Peter M. Leslie and Ronald L. Watts .