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Nigeria     
MILVERTON  LORD 《African affairs》1948,47(187):80-89
The late Governor gave this address at a joint meeting withthe Royal Empire Society on the 28th January, when Lord Haileywas in the chair, in place of Lord Swinton, who was preventedfrom presiding.  相似文献   

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NIVEN  C. R. 《African affairs》1957,56(225):265-275
The Speaker of the House of Assembly, the Northern Region ofNigeria, gave the following address at a joint meeting of theRoyal African Society and the Royal Empire Society on June 6,1957. Mr. M. T. Mbu, Commissioner for the Federation of Nigeriain the United Kingdom, took the chair.  相似文献   

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BROWN  ARTHUR 《African affairs》1947,46(182):38-42
The writer of this article is Chief Scout Commissioner for Nigeria,where a West African Jamboree is being held at Lagos in February.Although Scouting has not yet been developed in the region toany great extent, the possibilities are great, and it is interestingto recall that M. Eboué made specific reference to itssocial value in Africa in one of the last of his memoranda.  相似文献   

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Hassan A. Saliu 《圆桌》2018,107(3):291-305
Commitment to Africa has become a permanent policy of the Nigerian state. Yet, critics have expressed reservations about the worthiness of the policy. While their arguments appear strong, they do not provide adequate grounds to justify a reconsideration of the policy. Nigeria’s quest for dominance has always informed the country’s designation of Africa as a primary sphere of interest. To achieve this goal, altruism has become a defining attribute of Nigeria’s African diplomacy, thereby validating the theoretical overlap between hegemony and altruism. If Nigeria’s altruistic and subtle diplomacy has failed to translate into diplomatic ascendance in Africa as some observers have argued, then it is not because the policy is ignoble; the problem lies elsewhere. The paper contends that the question has more to do with the manner in which Nigeria has managed the domestic environment of its African policy over the years. Relying on data generated through the secondary method and key-informant interview, as well as the interpretive method of qualitative data analysis, this piece examines the planks upon which the policy is built, explains the complexities involved in its pursuit, and then constructs arguments in favour of the policy.  相似文献   

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Art and Progress     
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Kraxberger  Brennan 《African affairs》2004,103(412):413-430
This article examines the state-creation process in Nigeriain the context of military regime survival in the 1990s. Nigeriaentered a period of protracted political crisis following theannulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election and theentrenchment of the Abacha military government. The southwest,or Yorubaland,was the hotbed of opposition to continued militaryrule. This research shows how the Abacha government utilizedthe neo-colonial strategy of ‘divide and survive’to fragment opposition in Yorubaland, and how the governmentdivided regional opposition both socially and spatially. A localcoalition of Ekiti elites chose statehood over solidarity withtheir fellow Yorubas opposing Abacha, particularly those alignedwith Afenifere and the Oduduwa People’s Congress. Newstate movements — like that for Ekiti State — promotedmore local identities at the expense of pan-Yoruba solidarityand unified opposition to the regime. The article is based onsix months of fieldwork in Nigeria in 2002, including a casestudy of the movement for the creation of Ekiti State. Overall,it seeks to contribute to our understanding of the geographyof regime survival.  相似文献   

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When states in northern Nigeria started processes for implementing Sharia laws in 1999, it triggered sentiments all over the country. In Kaduna State, the proposal led to demonstrations and violent clashes. The article examines the ways in which different scales of politics are mutually constituted in the Sharia case and how the Sharia proposal subsequently resulted in clashes in Kaduna. It is argued that the Sharia initiative, even though it started as a sub-national question, was connected to a national power contestation. However, the federal government remained passive and diverted the issue to local political space. In Kaduna, the issue took dimensions that incurred with apprehensive local political contention that made it escalate into violence and polarising people according to religion. An analysis of the crisis in Kaduna is offered that does not regard the conflict as locally confined, but as inherently related to wider political and historical processes.  相似文献   

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Harnischfeger  Johannes 《African affairs》2004,103(412):431-452
Introducing Islamic laws is a means of setting up claims overterritory in which the will of Muslims reigns supreme. Thishas led to violent conflicts, especially in parts of the MiddleBelt of Nigeria, where Muslim ‘settlers’ from thenorth, most of them Hausa and Fulani, have clashed with indigenousethnic groups which are largely Christian and ‘traditionalist’.The call for Sharia is popular among the migrants, as it providesthem with a divine mission: they have to assume supremacy overthe local non-Muslim population in order to shape public institutionsaccording to what they see as the will of God. The ‘indigenes’,however, have little interest in a religious confrontation.As ‘sons of the soil’, they want to defend theirancestral land against ‘foreign tribes’; they thereforeemphasize ethnic, not religious, antagonisms.  相似文献   

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王梅  蒲元 《当代韩国》2015,(4):46-54
抗日战争时期,旅华韩国爱国艺术家韩悠韩在以陕西西安为中心的中国西北地区开展了大量的创作、宣传与教育活动,在韩国独立运动宣传、中国后方抗战宣传及中国儿童艺术教育等方面取得了杰出的成就,对韩国独立运动和中国儿童教育的发展产生了积极的影响。  相似文献   

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