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卫生外交虽然起步较晚,但在周边外交中的作用不断加大。中日韩三方卫生合作始于卫生安全领域,在对非典危机和禽流感疫情的协调处理中逐渐得以改善,主要表现为在亚太经济合作组织、10+3框架,以及中日韩卫生部长会议机制下开展的多边及双边卫生合作,合作领域从传染病逐渐延伸至非传染性疾病、食品安全、全民健康覆盖等广泛领域。然而,中日韩卫生合作面临内生动力不足、主导权不明确、合作层次单一、缺乏有效融资平台等一系列挑战。中国应充分认识卫生外交在中日韩三方合作中的独特作用,在中国全球卫生战略的指导下,更加积极主动地引领和推动新型的中日韩卫生合作的转型和创新。  相似文献   

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EDISON MIYAWAKI 《耶鲁评论》2014,102(1):151-162
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After almost half a century of an unchanged distribution of seats among political parties in the federal government (Federal Council), the Swiss executive has experienced a new change in 2003. This change follows up on other changes in the past which occurred at irregular intervals. The question we wish to address in this paper is how these changes related to the electoral fortunes of the political parties. We find that electoral success does not translate directly into seat gains in the executive. A lag of up to two elections provides the best predictor. Thus, the rapid concession of a second seat to the SVP in 2003 is an outlier compared to the previous changes in the partisan composition of the Swiss government.  相似文献   

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In this article, the authors trace how the Anglo-Australian system of criminal law constructs crime within the family differently from other forms of crime. The zone of legal impunity for intrafamilial crime was carved out by special defences and immunities, such as provocation and marital rape, as well as policing policies and practices that effectively decriminalised “domestic” forms of physical and sexual abuse. Legal impunity was never absolute, and there were notable exceptions where the familial and gendered aspects of the crime in fact aggravated the offence, such as the law's treatment of spousal murder by females as a form of “petty treason”, warranting the most severe punishment of burning at the stake. Reforms in the late twentieth century removed overt forms of gender discrimination from the criminal law, exposing a new legal visibility of crime within “the family”, though as the authors conclude, there are still remnants of differential treatment in fields of sentencing law and practice.  相似文献   

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A distinguished Russian professor of sociology examines political, economic, and intellectual élites in two oblasts and two republics of the Russian Federation. Findings are based on documentary research as well as 260 interviews: 160 formal and 100 informal. The author examines the structure of élites, their orientations and characteristics, coalitions and cooperation among them, the construction of regional identities, and the prospects for élite transformation. The article compares and contrasts republics and oblasts and considers how élites in each type of region affect prospects for political change.  相似文献   

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在国际关系学科发展、中国学者的学术使命及民族关怀不断增强、中国外交现实政策需求的推动下,当代中国外交研究呈现出理论意识、主体性、规范性以及方法论意识等特点。笔者运用层次分析方法,把当代中国外交研究分为体系、国家、社会与个体四个分析层次,以此来考察中国外交研究领域的进展及存在的问题。笔者认为,理论多元主义、具体案例研究、实证主义与反思主义的并重,以及行为体与结构间互动,理应是当代中国外交研究进一步深入发展的重要环节。  相似文献   

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陈伟刚 《美国研究》2001,15(1):152-152
为了适应国际关系学科建设不断发展和对外学术交流日益扩大的需要,加强决策咨询研究,提高中国人民大学国际关系学院在全国同行中的学术地位和影响,中国人民大学美国研究中心近日成立.  相似文献   

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This article argues that the merger of the PDS with the WASG offers the new ‘Left Party’ an opportunity to realise a long-held goal of the PDS – a firm place in Germany's party system as a nationwide party of the radical left. Much, however, will depend upon the successful resolution, or at least successful management, of some key points of conflict. To understand the challenges involved here, the article compares and contrasts the merger of the German Greens and Alliance '90 with that of the PDS and WASG. Although there are some striking similarities between the two merger processes, there are also some significant differences, differences that suggest that the long-term marriage of the PDS and WASG may be a rocky one.  相似文献   

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