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1.
This article chronicles a CIDA technical assistance project to build central policy capacity in the Government of Ukraine in 2000–01. Over ten months, 48 senior officials received intensive policy training and worked in policy units on priority issues. Evidence suggests that the project was effective at the individual and institutional levels: participants expressed high satisfaction with their learning; some outputs were immediately adopted by the government; and during 2005–11, without further Canadian support, the government used the project template to develop more policy analysis units. This success stands in contrast to recent accounts of failed technical assistance programs in eastern Europe. Critical success factors were shared vision, Ukrainian ownership and direction, and professionalism. The authors call for rigorous evaluation of human resource development, and identify topics for further research.  相似文献   

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Abstract: Policy research institutes, or think-tanks, as journalists and scholars often label them, are attracting considerable exposure in the print and broadcast media. The Fraser Institute, the C.D. Howe Institute, and the Canadian Tax Foundation are among a handful of Canadian think-tanks whose studies are frequently referred to in the press. Yet, despite the increased public visibility of these and other think-tanks, few scholars have considered whether the most frequently cited think-tanks play an important role in other critical stages of the policy-making process. By measuring the relative visibility and policy relevance of a sizeable cross-section of the think-tank population in Canada, this paper demonstrates that not only do think-tanks wield different types of policy influence, but they elect to exercise it at different stages of the policy-making process. More specifically, think-tanks may share a common desire to shape and mould public opinion and public policy, but the priorities they assign to accessing particular stages of the policy cycle vary considerably. Sommaire: Les institute de recherche politique font I'objet de beaucoup d'attention de la part de la presse et des autres média. L'lnstitut Fraser, l'lnstitut C.D. Howe et I'Association canadienne d'études fiscales figurent parmi les quelques instituts dont les études sont souvent citées dans la presse. Malgré la visibilité publique de plus en plus grande de ces instituts, et d'autres encore, très peu d'académiciens se sont pourtant interrogés pour savoir si les instituts les plus souvent cités jouent un rôle important dans d'autres étapes critiques du processus de décision politique. En mesurant la visibilité relative et la pertinence politique d'un gros échantillon de la population d'instituts de ce genre au Canada, cet article démontre qu'en plus d'avoir des effets de types différents sur les politiques, ces instituts choisissent d'exercer leur influence à divers moments du processus de définition des politiques. Plus précisément, ces instituts partagent peut-être le désir commun de former et de moduler I'opinion publique et les politiques gouvernementales, mais la priorité qu'ils accordent aux étapes particulières du cycle d'élaboration des politiques varie de manière considérable.  相似文献   

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Abstract: Senior officials in the federal public service are giving new attention to the need to strengthen policy capacity and this article draws heavily on the work of a task force of federal officials. Four themes run through the article: there is a strong, but neglected, managerial dimension to policy work; the greatest weakness in the current system is dealing with longer-term and strategic issues, especially of a horizontal nature; policy managers need to pay more attention to how to work with and support the external policy community; leadership at the most senior levels of the public service is critical for strengthening policy capacity. Policy management within departments is examined in terms of seven broad policy functions and organizational arrangements. Policy management across government is examined in terms of the role of central agencies and the special problems of horizontal coordination, including the conditions promoting coordination and the machinery of interdepartmental relations. The importance of the personnel dimension of policy work is underlined, with consideration of policy generalists, policy managers and policy specialists. Finally, relations with the policy research community and the provinces are examined. Sommaire: Les dirigeants de la Fonction publique fédérale s'intéressent davantage maintenant à la nécessité de renforcer la capacité d'élaboration des politiques, et le présent article s'appuie largement sur les travaux d'un groupe de travail composé de fonctionnaires. L'article illustre quatre thèmes: le travail d'élaboration de politiques comporte un aspect de gestion très marqué, mais négligé; la plus grande faiblesse du système actuel réside dans sa façon d'aborder les questions stratégiques et à long terme, surtout celles de nature horizontale; il faut que les administrateurs de politiques cherchent davantage à collaborer avec les organes délibérants extérieurs et à leur fournir leur appui; il incombe aux plus hauts dirigeants de la Fonction publique d'avoir le leadership si Ton veut renforcer la capacité d'élaboration de politiques. On examine la gestion des politiques dans les ministères par rapport à sept grandes fonctions des politiques et aux arrangements organisationnels. On étudie la gestion des politiques dans tout le gouvernement en fonction du rôle des organismes centraux et des problèmes particuliers de la coordination horizontale, notamment les conditions favorables à la coordination et le mécanisme des relations interministérielles. On souligne l'importance de l'aspect personnel dans le travail d'élaboration et on mentionne les généralistes, les administrateurs et les spécialistes des politiques. On aborde pour finir les relations avec le milieu de la recherche sur les politiques et avec les provinces.  相似文献   

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Abstract: The history of legislation to control aggregate mining reflects a power struggle between provincial and municipal interests. A content analysis of 140 Ontario Municipal Board (omb) hearings was assessed for a twenty‐five‐year period to evaluate the conflict between provincial and municipal governments and to document the role of legislation and policy in the resolution of the disputes. This article discusses the trend of successive Ontario governments to move the municipalities out of the core of the policy network dedicated to aggregate extraction. This is a result of the province's need to assure its greater autonomy in the industry in order to guarantee adequate stocks for future development. The province's autonomy allows a greater consideration to the industry and somewhat less consideration to the environmental impacts of aggregate mining. The article shows that there has been an evolution in the policy network from a “captured network” to a more “pluralist network.” Pushing the municipalities to the periphery through strong legislation has allowed the province to undermine the strength of the municipality to protect local interests primarily concerned with reducing the amount and impact of mining taking place near residential developments. Sommaire: L'histoire de l'élaboration de lois dans le but de contrôler l'extraction d'agrégats reflète une lutte de pouvoir entre les intérêts provinciaux et municipaux. Une analyse de 140 audiences de la Commission des affaires municipales de I'Ontario (camo) couvrant plus de vingt‐cinq ans a été réalisée afin d'évaluer le con‐flit survenu entre les gouvemements provincial et municipaux et de documenter le rô1e des lois et des politiques dans la résolution de conflits. Le présent article examine comment les gouvemements qui se sont succédés en Ontario ont eu tendance àéloigner les municipalités du ceur du réseau de politiques en matière d'extraction d'agrégats. Cela vient du fait que la province doive faire preuve d'une plus grande autonomie à 1'égard du rô1e de I'industrie afin que la province puisse garantir la disponibilité de stocks adéquats pour la mise en valeur future. L'autonomie de la province a permis d'accorder un plus grand rô1e à l'industrie et quelque peu moins d'importance aux incidences environnementales de l'exploitation des agrégats. Toutefois, l'article montre qu'il y a eu me évolution dans le réseau des responsables de politiques, celui‐ci étant passé d'un réseau de la capture à un réseau plus pluraliste. En repoussant les municipalités à la périphérie par le biais de lois puis‐santes, la province a pu réduire leur capacité de protéger les intérêts locaux qui visent principalement à réduire l'importance et l'incidence dc I'cxploitation minière a proximité des lotissements résidentiels.  相似文献   

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Abstract: The state of policy capacity within Canada's various levels of government has for some time been the subject of discussion both within the public services themselves and among the academic research community. Drawing on the results of a 2006 survey of deputy and assistant deputy ministers working in Canada's federal, ten provincial and three territorial governments, this article presents assessments made by the most senior leadership. The survey results show that ninety per cent of deputy ministers and assistant deputy ministers agree that policy capacity has changed but that the change is not uni‐directional. Both improvements and decline in policy capacity were observed, although assessments of decline were somewhat more pronounced. Moreover, improvements in policy capacity were found to be associated with a reduced focus on direct service delivery, a greater concern with long‐term planning, and the presence of a political leadership interested in innovation. Conversely, declining policy capacity was found to be linked to centralization of power, the loss of institutional memory, and “churning” within the ranks of the executive leadership. Additionally, level of government was also observed to be linked with change in policy capacity, with provincial deputies reflecting more negatively on policy capacity decline in their government than deputies at other levels.  相似文献   

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社会治安综合治理政策是指社会公共权力机构在一定历史时期内,为实现社会治安综合稳定协调发展的目标和任务而规定的指导方针和行为准则,以及根据这些方针、准则制定的有关社会治安综合治理的战略、规划、计划、法律、法令、措施、条例、意见和办法等组成的体系。社会治安综合治理是具有中国特色的治安之策。当前,我国应制定出更加“实用、规范、健全和标本兼治”的综合治理政策,实现“力量的综合、手段的综合和工作的综合”的目标。  相似文献   

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Governments are increasingly using public‐private partnerships (P3s) to draw the private sector into more active participation in infrastructure development. Climate action initiatives have not typically yielded profitable results for the private sector, and might therefore constrain the placing of conditions by governments on P3 arrangements. This article investigates a major P3 infrastructure project in British Columbia – the Canada Line extension to Vancouver's urban rail transit network – and concludes that the P3 organization did not constrain the government's capacity to pursue policy objectives for climate action. This counterintuitive result occurred because public sector leadership enabled an effective engagement with environmental policy priorities.  相似文献   

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澳大利亚制定了较为完善的政策框架,为高等教育公平战略的实施提供了保障。其政策框架最大的特点是以六个"公平群体"为核心,为这六个群体提供更多接受高等教育的机会,并提高其受教育质量。该政策框架包含战略目标、政府与大学责任、政府战略与大学规划、绩效指标、经费分配等内容。为了确保政策有效实施,澳大利亚政府设立了原住民支持项目、高等教育公平支持项目、高等教育残疾人支持项目和高等教育参与和合作项目,以推动高等教育公平进程。  相似文献   

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Abstract: There is an ongoing debate in western industrialized democracies about the genesis of government policy capacity. This article examines this under‐explored issue by looking at the election campaign commitments made by political parties. The author reviews the election policy manifestos of the parties that governed in Canada from 1984 to 2008, some of the proposed policy changes advanced during election campaigns, and the actions taken by governing parties to fulfil those commitments. This research demonstrates that parties were relatively unconstrained in advancing detailed election platforms to the electorate and that they were able to fulfil, or partially fulfil, those commitments at fairly significant levels – particularly incumbent governments, who could draw on their governing experience and the policy advice given by the public service. The author contends that governing parties in Canada possess a high degree of policy‐making capacity and that they have the ability both to advance and implement fairly detailed plans for governing. These findings confirm that political parties are an important source of policy‐making capacity and that such capacity is enhanced by public‐service input.  相似文献   

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关于推进领导干部“能力培训”基本思路的探讨   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
贯彻落实好党中央关于干部教育培训工作的各项规定和胡锦涛总书记“联系实际创新路、加强培训求实效”的指示精神,干部教育培训机构和广大培训教师必须牢固树立与能力培训相适应的现代培训理念,并据此创新培训内容、改进培训方式,使干部教育培训的能力培养贯穿于干部教育培训的全过程,实现从知识本位向能力本位转型。  相似文献   

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A Primer on the Economics of Industrial Policy . By W.C. Watson . The Challenge of Diversity: Industrial Policy in the Canadian Federation .; By Michael Jenkin . Public Money in the Private Sector . By Allan Tupper . Partners in Industrial Strategy: The Special Role of the Provincial Research organizations . By Donald J. Leroy and Paul Dufour .  相似文献   

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补贴政策在学生贷款方案中占有重要地位,它既可以弥补市场机制的缺陷,提高市场效率,也可能造成资源配置的扭曲,进而导致效率的损失。以成本分担、金融约束与公共财政理论为依据,对我国学生贷款补贴政策的演化进行分析,全面梳理我国不同学生贷款补贴方式的政策效应。在此基础上,提出我国学生贷款补贴政策的改进路径:对学生贷款补贴政策进行准确定位;优化风险补贴方式;区分长期补贴和短期补贴;进行转移支付,完善中央、地方财政分担的制度;建设学生贷款补贴政策的保障机制。  相似文献   

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新形势下,公安机关担负着为对外开放和经济建设保驾护航的重任.因此,必须充分发挥职能作用,采取打击与防范并举,遏制涉外刑事案件的发生;管严与管活结合,营造宽松的治安管理氛围;整治与服务齐抓,增强外商投资信心;调研与控制同步,为领导决策提供服务等措施,为对外开放创造一个稳定、安全的社会治安环境.  相似文献   

19.
建国六十周年以来研究生资助政策研究   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
对非义务教育的研究生实行成本分担已成为我国研究生教育改革的一个必然趋势.建国六十年来,研究生资助政策大致经历了人民助学金为主、人民助学金制度与奖学金制度并存、奖学金与贷学金并存以及奖、贷、助、补、减多元化资助体系等四个阶段.目前,研究生资助政策仍然存在一些问题,对此我们应进一步加以完善.  相似文献   

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Abstract: Generally speaking, the study of interest associations in Canada has focused upon their lobbying or pressure-type activities. As research on these associations has proceeded, we have learned that associations play other roles than policy advocates. They also sometimes participate directly in the design, formulation or implementation of policy. This policy participant role places different organizational and strategical pressures on associations than the usual advocate role. This article defines the two different types of roles that associations might come to play, describes the structural properties that associations are likely to need to play the roles, and assesses the contradictions placed on associations involved in both roles.  相似文献   

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