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1.
En Chine, plus de 500 enseignants de fran?ais langue étrangère dispersés dans 150 universités ont en charge 10,000 étudiants qui apprennent l' anglais comme première langue étrangère et le fran?ais comme seconde langue. Par manque d' un programme national, l'enseignement du F.L.E. ne pouvait pas atteindre la qualité de celui de l'anglais régi par un programme national depuis 1986. L'anglais régi par un programme national d'enseignement du F.L.E. ne souffre aucun délai, nous nous sommes mis à l' oeuvre en 1988 sous la direction du Comité national pour l'Education et avons mené notre entreprise à terme en 1990.  相似文献   

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This article explores the history of an ancient well that had been a vivid milieu de mémoire, in Pierre Nora's term, for hundreds of years. In the 1950s water pipelines were connected to many houses in the town of Baqa al-Gharbiyya, where the well was situated, and within a few years the well was deserted. Throughout the second half of the twentieth century the well had been forgotten as waste piled up where once an ancient source of life had flourished. This article focuses on the circumstances of a recent conservation project intended to rescue the well from a careless municipal ‘development’ plan, and to preserve the site for the benefit of the local population. The new lieu de mémoire of the well deserves scholarly attention because it was built ‘from the grass roots,’ by ordinary men and women who conceive of their cultural heritage as an important part of their identity and oppose the ‘acceleration of history,’ as Nora put it. The interpretation of the memorial site is carried out in a contextual symbolic analysis of its spatial and artistic characteristics, alongside written evidence concerning the initiative, as well as oral testimonies relating the history of the well since the 1930s. This multilayered interpretation revolves around the gap between memories and relics of an essentially rural culture, and complex urban, social, and political realities.  相似文献   

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凡是学习外语的人都希望有一天面对日常的生活情景能自由,流利地表达。但是,如何更快、更有效地达到这一目的呢?长期以来,中外语言专家围绕这一教学目标在外语教学的观念,方法和实践上不懈地进行探索。虽然现代技术的发展向我们提供了很多先进的教学手段,例如在外语教学上现在普遍使用录音机,录像机,VCD,DVD等设备,尤其录像机,VCD,DVD可以把各种语言材料和相应的真实画面结合在一起用于语言教学,而画面与语言材料的结合却可以追溯到17世纪。直到上世纪50年代初,画面在教材中只起到两个简单的作用插图或课文内容的补充。学术界也很少评论画面在语言教学上的作用。本文试就法国原版教材NouvelEspace中语言材料通过连环画加以表现的形式,对中国法语教学所起的作用及其影响加以分析。  相似文献   

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A partir de l'exemple de Casanova, et en deux de ses textes:l'Histoire de ma vie,Le raisonnement d'un spectateur sur le bouleversement de lamonarchie[…] je voudrais contribuer la sur les rapports entre ce qu'il est con-venu d'appeler la des , le libertinage et la .  相似文献   

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PALAIS DE L'ELYSEE Lundi 9 novembre 1987 …… Monsieur le Président, Madame, Mesdames et Messieurs, Pour la première fois dans l'histoire, la France recoit aujourd'hui sur son sol le Chef d'Etat de la Chine. Elle l'accueille avec éclat, avec solennité, en mesurant l'importance d'un événement dont chacun sent bien ici le caractére exceptionnel. D'abord pare qu'il s'agit de la Chine, la plus ancienne eivilisation du mon-  相似文献   

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Summary

Imperfect Bicameralism: Italy from the Senate of the Monarchy to the Senate of the Republic

1. The creation of the royal Senate; 2. The Italian antecedents of the 1848 Senate; 3. Projects for the reform of the Senate; 4. G. Mosca: the eulogy of imperfect bicameralism; 5. The end of the royal Senate and the birth of the republican Senate; 6. The current debate on bicameralism in Italy.  相似文献   

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此文作者分析了吉奥诺前期小说中有关道路和风景的隐喻,试图说明小说家如何通过使用一个表面上看真实存在的地理环境,而实际上却描述了一个混沌未凿、一切有待创造的梦幻世界。小说凭借比喻的力量进入了一个由人物语言产生的神奇世界。这个世界似乎是一个探索的世界。但通过对隐喻的具体分析可以看出它只是对一种不可知的逃避。因此,比喻也许能让人发现隐藏在文本中的神秘意义。  相似文献   

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SUMMARY

In this article Lothar Höbelt compares the political role of the Liberal parties in the Hohenzollern and Habsburg empires after 1867. Both started from a similar position, by granting a retrospective indemnity to their governments for their unconstitutional actions prior to 1866, in the expectation of reinstating constitutional government in which they would have an active role. The article then analyses the reasons why, by 1879 these expectations had been disappointed, but this led to different outcomes in the politics of the two empires. In the Hohenzollern empire, the Liberals eventually split permanently into a party of National Liberals, prepared to cooperate with government, and a progressive wing that tended to be in opposition. In the Habsburg empire, the Liberals remained united in a largely unsuccessful attempt to enforce parliamentary responsibility on the government. It is then shown how this outcome relates to the different ethnic and political structures of the two empires.  相似文献   

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SUMMARY

In this article, Marie-Laure Legay has examined the relations of the Provincial Estates on the north-eastern border of France—Flanders, Artois and le Cambrésis—with the central government. It shows that they did not waste energy disputing the tax demands of the crown, their right to assent to taxation had been reduced to a formality and they voted them without debate. But they then used direct representations through the delegations they sent to Paris, which usually resulted in some concessions being made by the crown. Similarly the Estates did not engage in formal assertions of their autonomy, but the full-time agents they hired in the capital processed a flow of remonstrances and petitions to the agencies of the central government. Thus instead of resisting the movement towards increased centralization of authority, they used it to pursue local advantages. In this way, the Estates were able to purchase the right to make appointments to local offices, while they repeatedly bypassed the Intendant, lobbying successfully for the transfer of many of his areas of competence to the Estates. This pragmatic strategy of working with the system, rather than opposing it was pursued consistencly down to 1789.  相似文献   

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Summary

This paper examines the relations between republican and democratic forces in Restoration Spain. From the middle of the last century, republicanism was the political movement most clearly involved with the democratization of Spanish politics. After the collapse of the 1873 Republic, the republican movement went through a severe crisis which led to its fragmentation over issues both of principle (federalists against unitarists) and of practice (revolutionaries against reformists). Between 1873 and 1931 Spanish republicanism underwent a marked transformation. The old republicanism was characterized by the modes of political activity of the nineteenth century — the club, the committee, the masonic lodge. The new republicanism, on the other hand, emerged from the first decade of the present century clearly moving in the direction of the modern political parties which finally crystallized out in 1931. Together the Radical and the Reformist parties are a case‐study in the transition between the classical and the modern which perfectly exemplifies the hybrid nature of republican democracy.

Though Spanish republicanism was socially heterogeneous, embracing within its various parts elements of the upper and middle bourgeoisie, substantial sections of the petty, urban bourgeoisie, and a declining, but still numerous, section of the working class, it still needed an alliance with the socialists (the Conjunción of 1910). However, what was most notable about Spanish republicanism was its link with the intelligentsia; it was they who gave it its character and who made the greatest effort to integrate Spain into the most modern currents of European thought.  相似文献   

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SUMMARY

In this article, Maria Sofia Corciulo analyses the political significance of the period of the Italian Restoration. The author suggests that the revolutions which took place in both Naples and Piedmont in 1820–21 affected the apparently static institutional tranquillity of the ‘restored’ Italy to such an extent that they represent a break from the preceding period—the Five-year Period, during which the Napoleonic institutions had been, anyway, partly retained. The revolutionary action which, as in Spain, was sparked by the military, was characterized by forms of participation and aims that constituted, at least where they could be fully expressed, the beginning of a new historical period, surely overshadowing that of Restoration: the Risorgimento. The Neapolitan Revolution was carried out under the banner of the most democratic principles of those years, as they had been sanctioned by the Constitution of Cadiz of 1812. Although the Italian revolutionaries of 1820–21 were defeated, the principles of the Cadiz Constitution remained vivid in the minds of the patriots, especially Neapolitans, in an intricate sectarian world, where even the participation of the most humble classes was welcome and accepted in the name of the egalitarian principles of the Carboneria. The article suggests that this Revolution spelled the de facto end of the Restoration, even it was to continue to exist de jure, in its limited dynastic sense. This is true not only for the Kingdom of the two Sicilies but also for the other Italian states, because so-called ‘public opinion’ became a reality in this period: the existence of political plots and conspiracies from a rising number of secret societies is clear evidence that Italy's Risorgimento was under way.  相似文献   

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SUMMARY

In this article, Simone Lassig examines franchise reforms in the federal states of the German Empire before 1914. She is critical of restricting the history of the German Empire to the history of Prussia. From this viewpoint, electoral reforms in several of the German federal states are used to indicate the capacity of the political elites to resolve problems related to the system. When we observe southern and central Germany, it can be shown that the old elites were capable of learning. Although the non-socialist parties opposed every form of mass politics until the turn of the century, by limiting the right to vote, after that they opened up to the increasing demands for participation from the lower levels of society. Tendencies towards democrati;tation appeared not only in many new electoral laws, but also in the political culture, expecially in the development of new methods of parliamentary conflict. Legitimation of authoriry gained a new status: the parliamentary resolution of conflicts was revalued as against legal restrictions, and facilitated the partial integration of the formerly excluded workers' party. The concept, scarcely challenged in research, that there was only a primitive level of democratization in Wilhelmine Germany should be reconsidered at least, as a result of this analysis.  相似文献   

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本文作者在对当代著名作家朱利安·格拉克的名作《西尔特的沙岸》进行了详细的分析之后认为,格拉克通过一个在旧日总督统治下的古老的城市中发生的离奇的故事,使读者看到了一幅无论是历史事件和地理环境都完全变了形的古威尼斯和那里发生过的历史故事;在这面“镜子”(小说)里,读者没有看到任何历史事件和人物的“反映”,而是一幅严重变形的,梦幻一般的景象。然而,小说家通过超现实主义式的隐喻手法,使这变了形的景象与历史上确曾发生过的景象之间产生了一种“内在的同一性”于是,残酷的历史变成了艺术,变成了诗;但这诗中蕴含着真实,一种诗意化了的真实。  相似文献   

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随着中法两国的交流日益密切,社会对法语人才的需求在质量和数量方面都有了提高,而既有专业又懂外语的学生尤其受青睐。因此开设大学第二外语的学校越来越多,各校的教学目标、内容、理念及模式也发生了很大的变化。本文试图结合欧盟语言能力分级参照标准,从语言和文化两个方面,思考大学法语(第二外语)的教学目的。  相似文献   

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This article aims to outline and explain the development of twenty years of politics of memory in a city in Argentina. The configuration of institutions and social actors, the scope and limitations of their practices are described in order to understand the current timing of the trials of repressors of the last military dictatorship (1976–1983). In turn, the processes around the demand for justice and its impact on the city of La Plata, capital of the province of Buenos Aires, are analyzed, from the perspective of the so-called time of “outbreak of memory”, launched since the mid-1990s.  相似文献   

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