The impact of EU-Enlargement on relations between Europe and East Asia

On 1 May 2004 the European Union’s biggest Enlargement ever materialised when ten countries joined the EU. The new member states—Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia—brought 75 million new citizens into the Union which now comprises a population of 455 million. In spite of the historical importance of EU enlargement, it seems to have raised relatively little interest beyond Europe. This paper tries to narrow the research gap by discussing the most significant implications of EU enlargement for Europe–Asia relations in the areas of general inter-regional (political) links, trade and investment.     

The Global Political Economy of Right-wing Populism: Deconstructing the Paradox

ABSTRACT

The rise of right-wing populism should be studied as a truly global phenomenon. Domestic and regional contexts are obviously crucial, yet a narrow focus on the domestic realm fails to capture some of the key constituents and paradoxical features of the rise and resilience of right-wing populist projects around the world. Therefore, right-wing populism and the way its contradictions are ‘managed’ ought to be understood within the context of mutual interactions between: 1) an economy-identity nexus and 2) a domestic-foreign policy nexus. A critical review of six controversial aspects of right-wing populism in the global North and global South is used to substantiate this main argument.     

The External Dimension of EU Counter-Terrorism Relations: Competences,Interests, and Institutions

Some very significant policy developments indicate “supranationalisation processes” of EU external relations in counter-terrorism, even in its most significant relationship with the USA. This means that, increasingly, the USA is willing to work with Europe through its institutionalised forum—the European Union. Thus, the EU achieves certain recognition on the world stage in areas previously completely unsuspected—the “high politics” of counter-terrorism. This supranationalisation process proceeds in two stages. Firstly, the construction of an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) pools a significant amount of national sovereignty at the level of the EU through the establishment of internal EU competences. As a side effect, however, it also constructs an institutionalised structure for external actors, such as the U.S., to deal with. Through dealing within this institutional setting, member states' interests become defined in such a way that increasingly they construct a “European” interest related to counter-terrorism.     

论中苏关系恶化对中国外交的影响

20世纪50年代末至60年代中苏关系的恶化不仅对中国的政治、经济发展产生了重大影响,而且对中国的外交也产生了重大影响。中苏关系恶化,首先导致了中国外交的战略调整;其次使中国外交日趋激进,并于60年代后期发展到极端;再次,促使中国发展与亚、非、拉国家的关系;最后,促使中国领导人下决心改善中美关系,联美反苏。     

India's Major Concerns about China and the Future of China-India Relations

Since 2014,the development of the China-India relationship has followed a trend of starting high and ending low.The China-India relationship warmed up rapidly in the first two years,which nevertheless failed to bring about a substantial breakthrough in their bilateral relations,as India's strategic doubts about China and their differences of interests on numerous issues still pose difficulties.     

The ambivalence of populism: threat and corrective for democracy

Two images of populism are well-established: it is either labelled as a pathological political phenomenon, or it is regarded as the most authentic form of political representation. In this article I argue that it is more fruitful to categorize populism as an ambivalence that, depending on the case, may constitute a threat to or a corrective for democracy. Unfolding my argument, I offer a roadmap for the understanding of the diverse and usually conflicting approaches to studying the relation between populism and democracy. In particular, three main approaches are identified and discussed: the liberal, the radical and the minimal. I stress that the latter is the most promising of them for the study of the ambivalent relationship between populism and democracy. In fact, the minimal approach does not imply a specific concept of democracy, and facilitates the undertaking of cross-regional comparisons. This helps to recognize that populism interacts differently with the two dimensions of democracy that Robert Dahl distinguished: while populism might well represent a democratic corrective in terms of inclusiveness, it also might become a democratic threat concerning public contestation.     

巴西经典民粹主义的实验(20世纪初至1964年)

20世纪初,巴西城市化和工业化迅猛发展,引起社会结构的变革,为以佩德罗·埃内斯托·巴普蒂斯塔、若泽·阿梅里科、阿德马尔·德巴罗斯、卡洛斯·拉瑟达、莱昂内尔·布里佐拉等地方政治领袖为代表的民粹主义改革者的出现提供了条件。热图利奥·瓦加斯、儒塞利诺·库比契克、雅尼奥·夸德罗斯、若昂·古拉特等巴西总统也体现出明显的民粹主义政治风格。他们虽然在意识相态、政治立场等方面大相径庭,但都以个人魅力、社会改革的纲领和实践动员无组织的底层民众,赢得大量支持并上台执政。20世纪中期巴西经典民粹主义的实践对于推动政治参与的扩大、促使精英政治向大众政治的转变起到了积极的作用,在推动工业化和经济发展、改善收入分配方面也有所作为,但是,在推动民主体制的制度化建设、经济的可持续增长等方面收效甚微,由此引发的政治和经济危机导致20世纪60年代中期民粹主义政治被军人建立的官僚威权主义所取代。     

Transatlantic trade and monetary relations: The nature and limits of conflict

The furore that greeted news that negotiations were to start on a transatlantic free trade agreement revealed not only the potential importance of any putative deal, but also the tendency of Europeans to view international politics almost uniquely in economic terms. This neglect of security and broader geostrategic issues is short-sighted and dangerous. It is precisely the liberal world order in place since the Second World War that has allowed Europeans to develop their economic potential. Leaving it to the United States to preserve that order is an increasingly problematic strategy, with the US ever more reluctant to police the world in the way it once did. The US has, for many years, asked its partners to contribute more to the preservation of common security interests. Given the failure of these attempts to date, it might be time for Washington to resort to tougher tactics in an attempt to entice Europeans out of their geostrategic retirement.     

欧盟东扩与俄罗斯的对外经济贸易取向

在 90年代 ,通过东西欧经济一体化和对俄共同战略 ,欧盟已成功地把中东欧候选国和俄罗斯纳入欧盟的国际分工体系 ,并将最终把它们融入欧洲的政治和法律体系。欧盟东扩不仅使俄罗斯的对外贸易地理方向明显偏向西欧 ,而且使俄罗斯成为欧盟原材料和燃料的主要提供者。东扩后的欧盟将与俄罗斯拥有漫长的共同边界 ,从而使双方经贸关系更加密切 ,这无疑会成为 2 1世纪制约中俄贸易发展的一个重要因素。只有早日形成以产业内贸易为主体的贸易格局 ,中俄贸易才有可能取得较快的发展。     

卢武铉的和平繁荣政策及其对中韩关系的影响

韩国总统卢武铉在继承金大中“阳光政策”的基础上,为了促进朝鲜半岛的和平,谋求南北双方和东北亚的共同繁荣,实行了“和平繁荣政策”。卢武铉的“和平繁荣政策”的实施,为中韩政治、经济关系的合作提供了广阔的前景。     

The Age of Anxiety: The Crisis of Liberal Democracy in a Post-Hegemonic Global Order

The crisis of liberal democracy is closely associated with major global shifts, which have been accelerated by the global financial crisis of 2008, with its dislocating effects in the established democracies of the global centre. Relative stagnation and rising problems of inequality and unemployment, coupled with additional shocks in the form of mass migration and terrorist attacks have generated fertile grounds for the rise of right-wing radical populist sentiments, which have been turned into electoral advantage by charismatic leaders. The crisis of liberal democracy is also a global phenomenon in the sense that liberal democracy has been severely challenged by the rise of strategic models of capitalism, notably its authoritarian version represented by the growing power and influence of the China-Russia coalition. Indeed, the success of the latter has served as a kind of reference for many authoritarian or hybrid regimes in a changing global context, at a time when the key Western powers appear to be losing their previous economic and moral appeal.     

"非典"对当前国际关系的影响

近来,“非典型肺炎”在全球范围内蔓延,成为继2001年“9·11”袭美事件以来又一大震撼世界的非传统国际热点问题。“非典”的冲击和影响已超出一般意义上的卫生防疫范围,波及到世界政治与经济;超出了任何一国的国内问题范围,是当前牵动国际关系大局的一个突出因素。     

伊拉克战争对国际关系的影响

推翻萨达姆政权并控制伊拉克和中东的石油资源,扫除在美国实现其独霸世界目标道路上的障碍,是美国发动伊拉克战争的主要原因。美对伊战争的胜利将使美国的霸权地位得到进一步巩固和提高,对未来世界格局的走向产生深远的影响。     

Effects of Economic and Symbolic Threat Appeals in Right-Wing Populist Advertising on Anti-Immigrant Attitudes: The Impact of Textual and Visual Appeals

Right-wing populist parties portray immigrants as economic or symbolic threats in their political advertisements by constructing a moral divide between the “good” ordinary people and “bad” immigrants. Yet, it remains unclear how these different threat appeals contribute to the formation of anti-immigrant attitudes among citizens and what role visual elements play in producing these effects. A survey-experiment with a quota sample of 471 participants reveals that, overall, symbolic threat appeals exert stronger effects on anti-immigrant attitudes than economic ones. When presented via text alone, only symbolic—not economic—threat appeals increased anti-immigrant attitudes via the activation of heuristic processing such as the reliance on negative stereotypes or feelings of anxiety, in particular among lower-educated citizens. When visuals were present, both types of threat appeals enhanced anti-immigrant attitudes among citizens across all education levels based on heuristic processing. Additionally, high image-text congruency induced cognitive argument approval resulting in higher anti-immigrant attitudes.     

欧美科技制裁协作的动力与分歧：基于欧盟的视角

科技制裁在持续的军事冲突中发挥着关键作用,在和平时期的地缘政治中也从未消失。欧盟与美国是最大的制裁实施者,双方的制裁协作在多个地区和领域产生了重要影响。虽然欧美科技制裁协作较为频繁,但欧盟和美国在制裁政策上仍存在诸多分歧。文章从欧美价值观、安全威胁和二级制裁这三个维度出发,剖析欧盟与美国进行科技制裁协作的动因与诱发分歧的因素,并选择俄罗斯、伊朗和中国这三个具有代表性和差异性的案例进行比较。欧盟与美国对俄罗斯的制裁协作水平最高;在伊朗案例中,二级制裁因素带来的欧美分歧较为突出;在中国案例中,欧美尚未达成明显的制裁共识。共同价值观、安全威胁的紧迫性、二级制裁压力等要素是促使欧盟参与美国科技制裁的重要动因。然而,不同的外交政策理念、安全认知的错位和二级制裁的反作用力也使欧美分歧难以弥合,大大削减了制裁效率。     

浅析20世纪90年代以来的印泰关系

20世纪90年代以后，为了分享东盟经济高速发展的成果，印度积极发展与泰国的关系，两国展开了全方位的合作。印度发展与泰国的关系只是印度东进战略的一个部分，但泰国却是印度进入东盟的桥梁，印度欲通过发展与泰国关系，对东盟施加自己的影响。本文对印度提出“东向政策”以后印泰关系的发展历程、原因及前景做了阐释，并对印度发展与泰国关系对中国的影响作了简要的分析。     

巴特拉伊内阁对发展新时期中尼关系的影响

随着尼联共（毛）副主席巴特拉伊当选为尼泊尔共和国第四任总理,尼内政外交方针都将经历相应的调整。新成立的巴特拉伊内阁对内面临着破碎的政治板块和僵持的和平进程,对外面临着平衡印度制约性影响的外交调整。本文将以尼泊尔国内政治格局和中美印三国为主角的地缘政治博弈为背景,就巴特拉伊新内阁对发展新时期中尼关系的影响予以论述。     

中俄两国经贸关系发展现状及其广阔前景

中俄两国是重要的经济贸易伙伴。在经受了2008年全球金融和经济危机冲击后,中俄两国经贸关系全面恢复和迅速发展。在中俄政府总理定期会晤制度框架下,建立了两国经济合作对话与协商机制。近年来,中俄贸易规模不断扩大,能源领域的合作日益深化,相互投资不断增加,地区间的经济贸易关系全面发展。全面提升贸易质量,扩大贸易规模,增加相互投资,深化能源合作,推动地区间和边境地区经贸合作,加强经济现代化领域合作,将成为中俄经贸关系发展的重要方向。     

全球化背景下基督教对中美关系的影响

美国是一个表面看起来十分世俗而实质上非常宗教化的国家.基督教对美国的影响是根本的和深远的,美国的外交也是意识形态外交.美国的对华外交一直遵循着基督新教的理念,基督教在中美关系中一直扮演着重要的角色.在全球化的背景下基督教对中美关系产生了更大的影响.对中美关系的发展,我们既不能抱悲观的态度,也不能过于乐观,而是要清醒地看到其复杂性.     

援越抗法时期中越关系研究述评

有关援越抗法时期中越关系研究的档案、回忆录在中国、苏联、越南等相关国家得到大量解密和出版,研究素材得以极大丰富。研究方面,研究者对中越建交、边界战役、奠边府战役、日内瓦会议等相关议题进行了深入研究。但在胡志明访华及援越抗法时期中越的政治、经济联系等相关领域的研究仍显不足,有进一步深入的余地。