The Tea Party and the Crisis of Neoliberalism: Mainstreaming New Right Populism in the Corporate News Media

Within months of Barack Obama's election, a putatively grass-roots conservative uprising emerged to challenge the Democratic Party's agenda. In this article, we analyze the role of cable news in the rise of the Tea Party during the current “crisis of neoliberalism”—a moment of political-economic volatility brought about by the Great Recession. We argue that the Tea Party's political purpose is to hold together the New Right coalition of business elites and white working- and middle-class Americans that undergirds the neoliberal political project. In the context of a deregulated corporate mass media, we show that both “right-wing” and “moderate” cable networks mainstreamed the Tea Party by framing it as a legitimate social movement, enabling the widespread projection of right-wing populist discourse in support of neoliberalism. In light of our study, we suggest that democratizing the mass media is crucial for a sustained progressive political response in the United States.     

From Constitutional to Treaty Federalism: A Comparative Perspective

Federalism in the European Union differs significantly fromthe American model. First, instead of relying on fixed constitutionalrights, the EU remains committed to a treaty-based process offlexible accommodation. Second, the federal system of constitutionalpower division has been replaced by the subsidiarity principle.The scope and dimension of Community action are tied to negotiatedcriteria of necessity and efficiency. Third, European federalismhas not adopted the American senate model. Member-state participationin the decision-making process is based on the German modelof weighted council representation. Regions and civic organizationshave gained an additional consultative voice. As a novel typeof federal polity, the EU may gain model character for a globalizingworld of nation-states whose interests appear loosely interconnectedby federal arrangements rather than firmly nested in a federalstate.     

政党代表性危机与西方国家民粹主义的兴起

西方国家民粹主义的兴起,是代表性危机的结果。从政党政治的角度,主流政党疏离社会、融入国家,由代表组织转变为统治机构,导致政治回应性的弱化。主流政党代表功能的萎缩,促使社会成员转向民粹主义的替代模式。为了控制政策议程,民粹主义政党仍然需要遵循选举政治的逻辑。民粹主义固然挑战了主流的民主模式,但它同样可以在调整国家与社会关系的基础上重构政党体制,扩展政治代表的渠道。只有客观地分析国家、社会与政党在代表性建构中的互动机制,才能准确地认识民粹主义的社会基础及其发展趋势。     

From autocracy to party government: Interpreting regime changes in Spain and Portugal

The Transition to Democracy in Spain. By José Maravall. London: Croom Helm, 1982. Pp.213. £14.95.

Democratic Politics in Spain. Edited by David S. Bell London: Frances Pinter, 1983. Pp.xiii + 203. £15.00.

Spain, Conditional Democracy. Editedby Christopher Abel and Nissa Torrents. London: Croom Helm, 1984. Pp. 198. £14.95.

Portugal, A Twentieth‐century Interpretation. By TOM Gallagher. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983. Pp.xii + 278. £18.50.

Portugal Since the Revolution: Economic and Political Perspectives. Edited by Jorge Braga de Macedo and Simon Serfaty. Colorado: Westview Press, 1981. Pp.xiv + 217. £13.25.

In Search of Modern Portugal. The Revolution and its Consequences. Edited by Lawrence S. Graham and Douglas L. Wheeler. Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1983. Pp.xv + 380. $30.00.     

From Ted to Ed: Electing British Party Leaders

Since 1965, British political parties have radically, and repeatedly, changed the ways in which they choose their leaders. In this article, I explain how and why these changes occurred and assess the consequences of the ‘new’ selection procedures adopted by four ‘mainstream’ parties: Labour, the Conservatives, the Liberal Party and the Liberal Democrats. In the first section, following Sjoblom and Stark, I outline a theoretical framework which purports to explain the criteria used by parties in parliamentary systems when choosing their leaders. I then examine the four parties in turn and consider two questions. First, how and why has the process of selecting British party leaders changed over time; and secondly, to what extent, and why, have the ‘new’ selection procedures adopted since 1965 produced different outcomes, resulting in the election of leaders who would not have been chosen had the decision rested with their party's elites and/or MPs alone?     

Analysis of the Spectre of Urban Density From the Perspective of Compactness of Forms A Response to a New Urban Vulnerability

The concepts of ＂density＂ and ＂urban morphology＂ are today at the centre of debates on architecture and urban planning. The concept of＂density＂ provides a solution to the issue of urban sprawl and, consequently, offers a way of rethinking sustainable urban and rural development. The densification of urban centres makes it possible to reduce a vulnerability related to the excessive use of suburban areas. However, densification is not a ＂turnkey＂ solution. Numerous criteria relating to its use are poorly understood. As numerous contemporary experiences have demonstrated, urban densification exposes space systems to new, unknown forms of vulnerability. First, the concept of ＂vulnerability＂ will be defined, specifically that of urban vulnerability, as well as related concepts, such as those of risk, hazard, and challenges. Secondly, forms of vulnerability inherent in the over-densification paradigm are pinpointed： This will involve determining the specific hazards, challenges, and risks of this space system. Thirdly, the authors will demonstrate how the concept of ＂compactness＂ makes it possible to review at the different urban levels the densification processes of territories and urban areas. Finally, a tool for the optimisation of compact urban morphologies for use in countering the related hazards and risks will be proposed.     

英国工党性质的三维解读

根据英国工党百年发展进程中基本力量、政策取向和意识形态的变与不变,能够全面动态地认识工党的性质。从阶段划分讲,工党原来是一个信奉民主社会主义而非马克思主义的工人政党;革新后的工党是一个信奉社会民主主义而非马克思主义的中左翼政党。从动态审视,在英国政党政治谱系中,工党在由左向右移动,由左翼力量转变为中左力量;在世界社会主义政党谱系中,工党属于右翼力量,并且在进一步向右移动。     

美国选举腐败的主要形式及成因

选举竞争不但勾心斗角,选举腐败也层出不穷。美国参与选举腐败的行为主体有集体性的利益团体,也有单独作案的个体选民,在腐败形式上表现为故意制造选民缺席投票、贿买选票、选举作假等。美国选举中的腐败问题是钱权交易系统化过程的表现,政治献金成为催生选举腐败的重要推手。虽然美国从立法上对选举中的政治献金作了比较严格的限制,但在司法实务中受到联邦法院判决的影响,政治献金一直未能从选举腐败中杜绝,利益的牵扯及利益集团的操控导致美国的选举腐败禁而难止。     

From Catch-all Politics to Cartelisation: The Political Economy of the Cartel Party

Adaptations to coordination problems endogenous to political parties have established the cartel party as the emerging equilibrium type in modern Western democracies. However, these factors alone are insufficient to maintain such an equilibrium given the threat of defection. That threat is mitigated by three factors: historical changes in party form, systemic changes in the global economy and changed ideas about governments. Together, these changes produce both a cartel of parties and the cartel party organisational form, without requiring overt conspiracy. These speculations are mapped onto actual experiences of the UK, the US and Sweden. The theory of the cartel party is advanced by emphasis on the 'cost of production' of policies and the constriction of the policy-space over which parties compete. We also explain why a cartel of parties might be stable, notwithstanding the temptation to defection often attributed to cartels as multi-player prisoners' dilemmas.     

反腐民本主义：内涵与模型

民本主义重视民众在社会生活中的特殊地位,将民众视为国家治理的根本。腐败是一个复杂的社会现象,民众与之始终脱离不了联系。民众是腐败的直接或间接推动者,也是治理腐败的重要力量。反腐民本主义包括以下内容:第一,反腐败以增进民众利益为终极目标。这是反腐民本主义的最重要的元素,其他方面均由此衍生而来。第二,了解民众对反腐败的需求。第三,降低民众对腐败的容忍度。第四,增强民众对反腐败的信心。第五,为民众参与反腐创造条件。政府必须提供民众参与反腐的渠道,保护民众参与反腐的权利。第六,解决民众身边的腐败问题。     

From Reagan to Trump: The Origins of US Neoliberal Protectionism

Donald Trump is often seen as a radical departure from the neoliberalism that has shaped recent American history and, at first glance, nowhere does this seem truer than on trade. Trump’s support for protectionism certainly seems to depart from neoliberalism, which we are used to thinking of as involving unqualified support for free trade. But should this really be seen as a departure? This paper argues that, instead, Trump’s trade policy should be seen a kind of ‘neoliberal protectionism’, which seeks to use the coercive power of the state to force other nations to conform to a market‐based economic logic. The origins of this neoliberal protectionism can be traced back to the 1980s when debates about foreign industrial policies first caused the United States to adopt a more aggressive approach to trade. From this perspective, Trump’s trade policy represents not a rejection of neoliberalism but an extreme articulation of it.     

从“有形”到“有效”:自媒体行业党建的整合机制

自媒体组织影响社会舆论、社会治理、社会整合、意识形态安全和党的执政根基,自媒体组织党建不仅是行业党建,而且是关乎意识形态全领域的政治战略。面对自媒体组织党建内生动力不足、党建资源匮乏等困境,理应分析原因、对症下药,创新区域共享、纵向统合、横向联建、激励约束等四大整合机制,推动自媒体行业党建从“有形”到“有效”。     

Changing Patterns of Party Competition in Austria: From Multipolar to Bipolar System

The Austrian party system has entered a new phase since the controversial ÖVP-FPÖ coalition came into office in February 2000. The party system literature offers two contradicting expectations about party system mechanics in multi-party systems without relevant extremist parties: competition structured by party alliances and strictly competitive relations between government and opposition parties (as suggested by <citeref rid="b30">Sartori 1976</citeref>) versus competition structured by individual parties and some mix of competition and co-operation and perhaps even power-sharing in extra-governmental arenas between government and opposition parties (as suggested by <citeref rid="b3">Dahl 1966</citeref>). Our empirical analysis of party system competitiveness in the electoral, parliamentary and other arenas (in particular, the corporatist arena) between 2000 and 2003 shows that the relations between the government and opposition parties were strictly competitive (i.e. of a zero-sum character) in the electoral arena. Likewise, there was no trading between government and opposition in the parliamentary arena. Finally, the government substantially increased its impact on the official sites (i.e. arenas controlled by the government) and used fire and hire methods more than any of its predecessors to build up its positions in public sector institutions. The opposition parties, in turn, perceived the government parties as a bloc and were united in their goal of undermining the government parties' majority. Yet, while relations between the government and opposition parties remained highly competitive throughout the entire period, relations between the parties on each side of the government-opposition divide became more fluid, partly for tactical considerations and partly for reasons of genuine preferences. In sum, the post-2000 Austrian party system is a weak version of a two-bloc system.     

From a Contingent Party System to Party System Convergence? Mapping Party System Change in Postwar Finland

The current imperative in journal articles of presenting new data and new 'theory' has largely been at the expense of new interpretations and 'big picture' analyses. This article proceeds from the failure of the comparative politics literature, from Sartori to Evans and Green-Pedersen, to grasp the essential dynamics of the Cold War Finnish party system and the curious absence of Finnish studies of the significant legislative party system change occurring thereafter. Following a critique of Green-Pedersen's notion of 'party system implosion' as applied to Finland, the article depicts a shift from the contingent party system of the Cold War era, when exogenous veto players formed institutional barriers to office-seeking parties, to the present convergent party system where most, if not all parties compete for, and converge on, the centre ground and cooperate interchangeably in governing coalitions without significant deviations in the main lines of public policy.     

从执行研究到治理的发展:方法论视角

在政策过程研究中,执行一直是最具变化同时也是最具争议的一个研究领域.相关研究"范式"经历了诸多的转变,并形成了大量的理论模式.本文对执行研究的发展进行了较为全面的梳理.其主要观点是,从"行动者-结构"的方法论视角切入,执行研究的内在发展脉络将得到一个较为清晰的解释.这一方法论分析还将有助与解释近年来在政策研究中,治理与政策网络分析的兴起.对于执行研究中长期存在的方法论冲突,一种结合治理理论的政策网络分析其实包含着某种整合性的回答.     

From the politics of lying to the farce at Suez: What the US knew

This article seeks to establish, in a definitive manner, what the US knew about the Suez invasion plan of 1956.

With the benefit of the CIA's U‐2 reconnaissance plane, the US was able to pinpoint, as of mid‐October, the existence of nearly three times the number of Mystère fighters in Israel than had previously been notified to Washington by the French government. That plus an information blackout on the part of the British and the French, and the breakdown of negotiations with the Egyptians at the UN, roused Washington's apprehensions that a military option was being considered. However, though there was suspicion on the part of the US that an Israeli‐French operation might be in the offing, Washington never seriously focused on the possibility of a tripartite operation involving the British, the French, and the Israelis. President Eisenhower and Secretary of State Dulles relied on the Anglo‐American special relationship and on British good sense not to get involved. In particular, Washington completely missed the fact of the British‐French‐Israeli meeting at Sèvres, at which time (24 October), the decision was taken to launch the operation five days later. The transparent nature of the British‐French announced decision, after the Israeli attack, to ‘separate’ the Egyptian and Israeli forces doomed the operation from the start before the court of world opinion. In this manner, Operation ‘Separation of Forces’ was transformed into a force.