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1.
Laura Batalla Adam 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):44-58
Now in its sixth year, the war in Syria has triggered the largest humanitarian and refugee crisis of our time. For most refugees and migrants, Turkey is the main transit country to reach Europe, where Syrian refugees hope for a better future. However, this journey has been hampered as several European countries closed their borders following the arrival of an unprecedented number of migrants and asylum seekers in 2015. In response, a deal was struck with Turkey to stem the migrant flow to Europe in exchange for some concessions. By outsourcing the management of migration flows to Turkey, the EU is failing to take its fair share of responsibility for refugee protection. Furthermore, as a result of the political situation in Turkey and the unmet promises under the deal, relations between Turkey and the EU have touched their lowest point since the start of accession negotiations in 2005. While survival of the deal is of critical importance as the EU needs Turkey’s assistance in curbing migration flows and Turkey is keen on revitalising its accession negotiations, the deal has exposed serious flaws that need to be addressed and must not be replicated with other countries. 相似文献
2.
Ferruccio Pastore Giulia Henry 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(1):44-57
Since 2013, the European migration and asylum regime has entered a phase of crisis, which reveals the deep interdependencies between its different components (including intra-EU mobility) and the unbalanced nature of its normative foundations. This original structural fragility had not fundamentally compromised the overall functioning of the regime until two major exogenous factors (the economic crisis, with its asymmetrical impact on the eurozone, and the wave of political instability and conflicts on the southern shore of the Mediterranean) brought its intrinsic limits to the point of rupture. The ongoing, highly contentious process of reform of the European migration and asylum regime is an unprecedented and crucially important test of the capacity of one the European Union’s key sectors to evolve under pressure and to adapt to a rapidly and deeply changing geopolitical, economic and demographic environment. 相似文献
3.
Italy’s Migration Policies Combating Irregular Immigration: from the Early Days to the Present Times
Gabriele Abbondanza 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):76-92
Italian migration policies combating irregular immigration from the early 20th century to the present times have been increasingly debated and controversial. Four phases are detectable: the absence of a legal framework while Italy was still an emigration country, the first regulations of the 1980s, policies influenced by both the European integration process and the increase in immigration until 2002 and, lastly, the country’s controversial approaches since 2004. What is noticeable is a dichotomy in Italy’s migration policies, with generally consistent internal measures and often contrasting external ones. 相似文献
4.
Ryuya Daidouji 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(5):1130-1147
This article examines how the EU interacts with other international organizations (IOs) with regard to human rights protection. Although studies on relations between IOs, namely inter‐organizational relations (IOR), have attempted to overcome a state‐centric tendency, existing IOR approaches are not suitable for analyzing human rights issues due to their indifference to law. To overcome this flaw, this article introduces the notion of ‘inter‐organizational contestation’ to account for the human rights implications of EU policies. This concept is applied to two contrasting cases: first, the EU's asylum policy, over which the EU is contested by other IOs; second, the implementation of targeted sanctions, over which the EU contests another IO. The article thus highlights the EU's ambivalent profile in human rights protection and contributes to the IOR literature. 相似文献
5.
The surge of refugees arriving in Europe has accentuated the malfunctioning of the common European asylum system: the lack of coordination between nation states and failure in the common protection of refugees were the main outcomes of the so-called refugee crisis. This article builds on the literature on public goods and policy compliance in order to explain the failure of European countries to provide humanitarian protection to refugees. A sequential game-theoretical model serves to demonstrate the strategic interaction between states and refugees in European asylum policy. The analysis demonstrates that although both groups of actors benefit from a functioning European asylum system, they also have few incentives to contribute to the public good. States aim to reduce their individual refugee burden and refugees seek protection in their preferred destination country. The findings suggest that an effective provision of refugee protection requires both member states and refugees to contribute mutually to the public good. 相似文献
6.
1981-1989年里根总统执政期间,美国“新现实主义”的外交政策趋向强硬,它主张对苏强硬,对华强调台湾问题。同样在这一时期,中苏两国的双边关系迅速调整,两国几乎同时产生了缓和关系的愿望。双方在1989年实现了关系正常化。 相似文献
7.
Libya's emergence as a key jumping-off point for entry intoEurope by sea has created a sense of urgency within the EU,which seeks to prevent arrivals from this new point of departure,and has led to the initiation of EU–Libya cooperationon migration. This article argues that the EU is failing toadopt an integrated approach to migration management in Libya,despite its repeated assurances to the contrary. It examinesEU–Libya cooperation, still in its early stages, and analysesthe experiences of refugees and migrants in Libya and on theirjourneys to Europe. Both elements strongly indicate that thecurrent approach, which focuses on border control and surveillance,is likely to meet with limited success in achieving the EU'saims of stemming the flow of irregular migrants arriving fromLibya in Italy and Malta, protecting the human rights of thosein transit and ensuring humanitarian outcomes for them. 相似文献
8.
土耳其对非洲战略与政策评析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
人们往往以为是向非洲开放政策推动了土耳其与非洲关系的发展;但该政策直到2005年才得到落实的事实,证明了隶属于土耳其总体对外战略的对非洲战略的形成才是真正的动力。土耳其对非洲战略是其总体对外战略三大支柱之大周边外交的一部分;因此,其优先次序相对较低,尽管其目标是以恢复和提升土耳其在非洲的软实力为核心推动土非关系全面发展,但也有间接服务于提升自身面对美欧时的话语权的功能。通过官民结合、全面动员,软实力先行带动土非关系全面发展,土耳其与非洲的政治关系机制化水平不断提升,经贸关系日益密切,社会联系和相互了解日益深入,同时也得到了美欧的更大重视,为土非关系的长期发展奠定了坚实基础。 相似文献
9.
俄罗斯的独联体劳动移民及相关问题分析 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:2
随着独联体经济一体化进程的逐步推进,劳动移民已成为独联体内部移民的主流,且劳动移民的流动具有单向性,即主要流向俄罗斯。俄罗斯境内独联体劳动移民规模的不断扩大引发了一系列经济和社会问题,独联体劳动移民问题成为困扰俄罗斯的一大难题。俄罗斯对独联体劳动移民的接收与拒绝的矛盾心态将构成其对独联体劳动移民政策的基础,限制性劳动移民政策将是其具体表现形式,且限制的内容将有所扩大。 相似文献
10.
Raffaella A. Del Sarto 《European Security》2015,24(3):369-380
A multiplicity of legal and political arrangements regulate the European Union's external borders. With borders representing the intersection between national and international law and politics, the EU also acquired some legal competences in this realm. The resulting triple set of rules coincides with the growing disaggregation of the classical functions of borders. This state of affairs generates legal and procedural uncertainties and results in a growing ambiguity and lack of transparency, in terms of competences and accountability. Due to the EU's concerns with transnational terrorism, and the growing securitization of migration, the EU's borders with the states of the Middle East and North Africa are particularly relevant in this regard, with the resulting uncertainties touching upon fundamental rights. This article discusses the conceptual starting point of the growing institutional, legal, and political complexity at the EU's southern borders, together with relevant aspects and developments, thus also providing the background to the different contributions in this special issue. 相似文献
11.
国际移民女性化(the feminization of migration)成为全球化时代国际人口迁移活动的一个重要表现与特征。改革开放以来,中国女性的跨国迁移活动日益活跃,并呈现出移民目的地全球化、移民结构多元化、移民方式多样化的特征。本文以中国女性迁移东南亚为中心,考察并分析了中国女性新移民迁移东南亚的结构与类型、存在的问题与影响,指出重视中国女性移民浪潮中的问题与负面影响,对维护中国女性跨国迁移的正常秩序,促进中国与东南亚民间交流的发展以及推动中国与东南亚关系发展都有积极的意义。 相似文献
12.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 and the ensuing EU–Russian clash over the fate of Ukraine highlight the importance of explaining the outcomes of EU–Russian crisis bargaining. Complementing existing accounts, we argue that favourable preference constellations are key: The more determined, united and focused side prevails over its less interested, divided or unfocused counterpart. We first establish the inferiority of Russia's influence assets (economic, military, normative and allies) relative to the EU. We then use congruence analysis to reverse-engineer crisis bargaining outcomes in key cases of EU–Russian crisis bargaining, showing that favourable preference constellations allowed Russia, despite inferior assets and EU opposition, to ensure Syrian dictator Assad's political survival, finalize the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and keep Donbass out of Kyiv's control since then. Finally, we discuss the implications of these findings for related areas, as well as for current and future EU–Russian crisis bargaining, specifically over Ukraine. 相似文献
13.
In this paper, return migration from Sweden to three sourcesof refugee immigration is analysed, with a focus on the effectof political change in 1990. Chilean immigrants reacted morestrongly to political liberalization in the home country thanPolish immigrants did, primarily due to more favourable economiccircumstances in Chile compared to Poland in the 1990s. In fact,the increase in Polish return migration propensity after 1990is not statistically different from the Iranian increase, inspite of the absence of political liberalization in Iran. Thereare significant cohort differences within the Chilean group,indicating an element of economically motivated migration withinthe last waves of Chilean refugee immigration in the late 1980s.Hence, successful implementation of schemes of voluntary returnmigration for refugees will not only be dependent on an improvedpolitical situation in the source country, but will also behighly dependent on economic circumstances. 相似文献
14.
Giselle Bosse; 《Journal of common market studies》2024,62(5):1222-1238
The European Union's response to the Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has been widely perceived as unprecedented. This article examines how this could be, considering the long track record of disagreement amongst EU member states over foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia. It is argued that whilst the Russian invasion had a decisive impact on member states' security threat perceptions, realist explanations of the EU's forceful response encounter limitations: Germany and France, the EU's most influential powers, were not the drivers of the EU's joint actions during the first months following the invasion, as they struggled to redefine their national security interests. Against this background, this article takes a different perspective. It asks in what kind of intersubjective context the EU's initial response became meaningful and rational, allowing for agreement to emerge amongst the member states on a set of unprecedented measures. This article proposes a theoretical approach that takes into account the role of norms, rationalities and speech acts in a changing context and of social interaction therein. It is demonstrated that, given the dramatic rupture following the invasion, the EU's response in 2022 was embedded in, and structured by, a priori understandings and justifications generated by the EU in response to Russia's war against Ukraine starting in 2014, including normative considerations. 相似文献
15.
卢武铉的和平繁荣政策及其对中韩关系的影响 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:2
韩国总统卢武铉在继承金大中“阳光政策”的基础上,为了促进朝鲜半岛的和平,谋求南北双方和东北亚的共同繁荣,实行了“和平繁荣政策”。卢武铉的“和平繁荣政策”的实施,为中韩政治、经济关系的合作提供了广阔的前景。 相似文献
16.
Daniel Twining 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(2):12-16
China and the United States have just experienced political transitions that allow the leaders of both countries to focus on bilateral relations free from the pressures of domestic political campaigns. But the domestic politics of the bilateral relationship inside each country are, like the structural tensions between the established power and the rising challenger, intensifying, as Washington takes new steps to assert its primacy in Asia and Beijing works to edge America out of its neighbourhood. US-China relations are likely to be less stable and more prone to conflict over President Obama’s second term, unless the two nations can arrive at a modus vivendi to keep the peace in Asia. The challenge is that such an entente likely requires the kind of political change in China its leaders seem determined to block for fear of the threat it would pose to their own legitimacy. The reverberations of a relationship that is conflict-prone, but in which conflict holds such downside risks for both countries, will be felt well beyond Asia. 相似文献
17.
In the past few years decision‐making processes and the normative underpinnings of EU external relations have become subject to intense debate in the European institutions, member states and the wider public. Previous research suggests that there is variation in the extent to which individual domains of EU external relations are politicized and contested. This special issue aims to theorize further and investigate empirically this, using the example of European development policy and its relations with other external policies. We introduce two new mechanisms that drive politicization dynamics. We argue that politicization can be diffused horizontally from one policy field to another, which we call horizontal politicization. We also investigate how the politicization of EU external policies in third countries occurs and influences politicization dynamics in the EU, which we call outside‐in politicization. The introduction to the special issue presents our theoretical approach and summarizes the key findings from the special issue. 相似文献
18.
Natasja Reslow 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2019,54(1):31-44
ABSTRACTUnintended consequences arising from EU external migration policy are a result of the multi-actor nature of this policy and of policy interactions. In addition, scholars face serious methodological challenges in establishing what the EU’s ‘intent’ is in external migration policy and, therefore, in determining which consequences are intended and which are unintended. The literature on the implementation and evaluation of EU external migration policy is in its infancy, and future work should take into account all policy outcomes – both those that were intended and those that were not. 相似文献
19.
Despite a longstanding focus on the systemic distribution of power in the study of international relations, scholarship during the past 20 years increasingly emphasizes the role of domestic politics in foreign-policy-decision making. This simulation enables participants to experience negotiating an international issue—a territorial dispute between two fictitious states, Chinazambia and Boliviafranca—in the context of this "two-level game" between domestic and international environments. The simulation furnishes a vantage point from which students can assess realist, liberal, and alternative theoretical perspectives on international relations as they affect policy making. The simulation is flexible and can be executed under a variety course contexts, as well as time and participation constraints. Additionally, the simulation provides ample opportunity for a number of enriching postsimulation activities. 相似文献
20.
Elena Zacharenko 《Journal of common market studies》2024,62(1):38-54
As the population of the European Union (EU) is ageing and its working-age population shrinking, concerns are rising about how the growing demand for long-term care (LTC) will be met. Since unpaid care, provided mainly by women, is increasingly scarce, some EU states are becoming dependent on migrant labour for the functioning of their elder care systems. To address the growing deficit of care in the EU, the European Commission put forward a European Care Strategy, for the first time proposing a stand-alone policy on LTC. This followed on from a Commission proposal for a new strategy on migration, calling for labour migrants to be proactively attracted to work in the EU's care sector. As the (lack of) availability of LTC is increasingly shaping EU policy, it is timely to investigate what its impact is on key policy areas, such as gender equality, social and migration policies. 相似文献