平等的双重维度:形式平等和实质平等

平等是当代政治哲学的研究主题.按照平等的实践历程和实践程度,平等分为形式平等和实质平等双重维度.形式平等体现为平等对待、程序正义和权利平等,它以政治平等为表征;实质平等体现为财富和收入的平等分配,它以经济平等为表征.形式平等为当代政治哲学家普遍接受,实质平等则是检验其对待平等真实态度的标准.在正义意味着平等的时代,社会不能简单停留于形式平等,而应该最大程度地实现实质平等.只有将平等的双重维度内在地统一起来,才能保证平等政治价值和理想的实现.     

浅论“实质重于形式”原则的运用

会计作为一项帮助企业实现核算和监督职能的重要经济管理活动,必然对其获得的会计信息有严格的要求。从会计与会计信息质量要求入手,在分析实质重于形式原则的内涵、重要性及其在具体经济业务上的规定,以实质重于形式原则在资产租赁业务中的运用进行举例说明。     

在城邦之神与哲学之神之间：苏格拉底之死的信仰反思

苏格拉底之死是西方思想史中的重大事件,围绕城邦的政治、哲学、宗教关系,引发西方文化观念的内部纷争。雅典城邦是苏格拉底生活其中的公共权威,城邦之神是团结民众的公共信仰;苏格拉底坚守哲学之神的个人信仰,被民主派指责威胁城邦之神,两种神的对立体现为哲学与政治之间不可调和的矛盾。苏格拉底作为公民有责任维护城邦的公共权威,服从城邦的法律审判,支持城邦的公共信仰;作为哲学家苏格拉底坚守心中哲学之神,捍卫个人的独立理性也是其内在追求。面对雅典城邦民主派的攻击,苏格拉底接受死刑判罚,完成对于城邦忠诚与哲学信仰的双重殉道。     

实质民主与形式民主之争——20世纪社会主义与自由主义关于民主问题的分歧之一

自由主义式民主是一种形式民主,这一特征体现在:民主必须受到自由原则的约束;自由主义争取的平等始终只是法律面前人人平等;自由主义把民主作为一种政治方法与手段.可见,民主在自由主义理论中只是一个工具性的角色.社会主义诉求的实质性民主与自由主义建构的彤式民主有所不同:社会主义民主是日的与手段的统一;社会主义民主追求的是实际民主权利的平等.从实质民主与形式民主之争可以得出以下结论:民主与自由是社会主义民主与自由主义民主的不同的价值诉求.     

从"实在论"走向"价值论"的当代哲学

哲学在其本性上是思考人类生活及其世界的“价值问题”的理论。哲学范式的转换,从根本上取决于人对自身生存发展、生命本质的意义、实现方式和内容的改变,它体现人类对自己生存命运的关注,对理想境界及本性完善的价值追求。纵观西方哲学形态演变的历史,可以认为是从“实在论”范式向“价值论”范式转变的历史。当代价值论范式转向的实质,就是要从“实在论”思维范式中解放出来,走向一种立足于人的价值性活动的哲学思维,进入价值论所面对和关注的人的现实生活世界,创造人与社会自我发展和自我完善所需要的当代哲学。     

浅析形式法律推理与实质法律推理的统一——以“贾正喜侵权案”为例

大多数法理学家认为,法律推理可分为形式法律推理和实质法律推理,形式推理解决的是前提与结论的逻辑关系,而实质推理解决的是结论的合理性,二者在个案中的结合将体现既"合法"又"合理"的价值追求,这样的判决结果将会真正得到双方当事人的自觉履行,使法律得到当事人及社会公众的尊重。将浅论形式法律推理与实质法律推理的统一,及其在"贾正喜侵权案"中的完美演绎。     

现代性视域中形而上学的审美之维

在现代性视域中,审美之维重建形而上学的诸种尝试与理论回响,使澄明形而上学与审美之关系的研究成为理解现代形而上学的一种思路,形成着在当代理解形而上学本真意味和探索形而上学新的样式的可能视域。追溯形而上学与审美之维的纠缠关系,奠基于本体论的传统形而上之思,伴随反思理性形而上学的演进而发展,最终在重建形而上学的尝试中逐渐形成回应现代性症候的审美现代性视域。在审美现代性视域中,审美之维力图调和形而上学二元对立理论结构的理论尝试,谐和"形而上"统摄"形而下"异化关系的实践努力,推动着现代形而上学的理论发展,但最终却困守于形而上学抽象的现实运作,使审美之维重建形而上学的思路打上乌托邦烙印。在这一问题域中,产生着透过审美之维的线索理解形而上学的现代遭遇与时代样式的可能视域。     

从“哲学”到“实证科学”:马克思哲学革命的实质

马克思从"哲学"到"实证科学",实质是反对从哲学原则出发,反对以"哲学"代替"实证科学"研究来获得认识和改造世界的知识。"实证科学"研究立足于对"人们实践活动和实际发展过程"进行研究。以这种方法来考察社会历史而形成的历史观理论即"实证科学"。马克思从"哲学"转向"实证科学",清算了最后的"哲学信仰",开创了从"人们实践活动""人们的存在"出发去解释社会意识的"历史唯物主义"理论,最终实现了其哲学革命。     

当代中国政治可持续发展的宪法之维

政治可持续发展是在政治发展的基础上,吸收可持续发展思想而形成的新的政治发展理念。当代中国政治可持续发展亟需从宪法维度解决政治资源的整合、权利———权力结构的优化以及利益协调机制的完善问题。为此,要发挥宪法的资源整合功效,强化宪法规范国家权力,保障公民权利的功能,完善宪法的利益协调功能。     

论实质推导及其适用方法

由于制定法的不完备性，司法工作者们在案件审理的过程中，运用形式推导的工具往往找不到合适的大前提。实质推导虽然为大前提的寻找提供了一条有效的思路，但是因为主观性太强，法官自由裁量权很大。本文试总结出一套实质推导的推导规则，期望其有助于防止法官滥用职权，以维护社会的公平正义。     

哲学批评学:定义、框架与必要性

"哲学批评"是两个或两个以上的哲学家、两个或两个以上的哲学流派、两部或两部以上的哲学著作之间的批评."哲学批评学"可以定义为"概括和总结哲学批评活动之功能、原则、方法、规律等等的一门科学"."哲学批评学"的总体框架以哲学批评的定性、哲学批评的模式考察、哲学批评的历史考察为"三根支柱".建设"哲学批评学"的必要性,可以从如下方面去看:哲学的本性要求"哲学批评学"的构建;中国哲学研究的现状要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域的学科完善要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域中众多批评材料要求"哲学批评学"的构建.     

Ideocracy and Totalitarianism: A Formal Analysis Incorporating Ideology

In the present paper it is shown how totalitarianregimes can arise or be averted depending on theconditions described by the parameters and the initialvalues of the system. The main reason for theevolution of totalitarian regimes is the presence ofbelievers who are convinced that others have to beconverted to the supreme values of their ideology fortheir well-being and, possibly, that there existinconvertible enemies of their creed whose presence isobnoxious to them and to the absolute truths of theirideology. Believers are thus prepared to spendresources on winning new converts and to win thesecular power of the state. Whether they succeed inthis endeavour depends on the costs of converting newbelievers and on the amount of resources they areprepared to spend for this purpose, given theiravailable incomes and their propensity to consume.Their chances to succeed are greater if a crisisoccurs, an event which is usually outside of theircontrol. Once secular power has been secured, theresources of the state can be used to win moreconverts, to drive into exile or to killinconvertibles and to try to reach the imperialisticaims implied by the ideology. If the latter is not thecase, the regime may turn into a mature ideocracyafter having reached its domestic aims. This would forinstance be the case, if all inconvertibles had beenremoved and all the other population been converted. Inthis case no further terror and (or) repressionscharacteristic of totalitarian regimes are required. If the ideology implies ambitious imperialistic aims,for instance the conversion of all people on earth(except for inconvertibles) or the domination of thewhole globe by the believers, it is highly probablethat these aims cannot be reached. As a consequenceeither a war is lost and leads to the removal of thetotalitarian regime, or the ends have to be adapted tomaintain the credibility of the ideology. But then thetotalitarian state may again turn into a matureideocracy, if the ideology has been reinterpreted toremove its unrealistic imperialistic aims. Or thechange of the ideology weakens the regime in a waythat it loses its proselytizing character altogether,and turns into an ordinary autocratic regime.     

Violence and Silencing: A Philosophical Investigation of Apartheid

Abstract

With reference to examples of violence during Apartheid, I argue that the socio-political contexts in which violence occurs significantly shape agents' ideas about and responses to violence. As such, philosophers can only make sense of why perpetrators and bystanders alike may have judged violent acts morally justifiable or failed to challenge instances of violence against the backdrop of the particular characteristics of the socio-political context in which it occurs.     

Cooption and Power: Who Gets What From Formal Incorporation

This paper examines the central generalizable factors which influence the flow of power within formal or 'institutional' cooptive arrangements. It examines the key resources of four different types of societal group and explores the utility of these resources in the light of an account of basic government needs. In the light of this, it explores a range of group-government dependencies. Its aim is to set out why some groups can get more and others less from formal government cooption, other things being equal. This enables us to isolate factors of central importance to various cooptive arrangements in quite different contexts.     

Deleuze and Guattari's Historiophilosophy: Philosophical Thought and its Historical Milieu

Abstract

This paper will examine the relation between philosophical thought and the various milieus in which such thought takes place using the late work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. It will argue that Deleuze and Guattari's assessment of this relation involves a rearticulation of philosophy as an historiophilosophy. To claim that Deleuze and Guattari promote such a form of philosophy is contentious, as their work is often noted for implementing an ontological distinction between becoming and history, whereby the former is associated with the act of creation and the latter with retrospective representations of this creative process. Furthermore, when elaborating on the creative nature of philosophical thought, Deleuze and Guattari explicitly refer to philosophy as a geophilosophy that is in contrast to history. Nevertheless, this paper will demonstrate that far from abandoning the category of history, Deleuze and Guattari's analysis of the relations between philosophical thought and relative milieus suggests to us an historical ontology and methodology that is a critical part of philosophy's nature.     

Formal and Informal Institutions Under Codecision: Continuous Constitution-Building in Europe

Current approaches examining the effect of institutions on policy processes have difficulty in explaining the results of the legislative process of codecision between the European Parliament and Council within the European Union. The formal Treaty changes that gave rise to codecision have, in turn, given rise to a plethora of informal institutions, in a process that is difficult to understand using dominant modes of analysis. This article provides a framework for analyzing the relationship between formal and informal institutions, showing how the two may be recursively related. Formal institutional change at a particular moment in time may give rise to informal institutions, which may, in turn, affect the negotiation of future formal institutions. The article applies this framework to the codecision process, showing how the codecision procedure has led to the creation of informal institutions and modes of decision-making, which have affected subsequent Treaty negotiations. Through strategic use of the relationship between formal and informal institutions, the European Parliament has been successful in advancing its interests over time and increasing its role in the legislative process.     

Formal and informal governance networks: Diabetes care in Australia and India

The concept of networks has gained interest in public administration and management. They address concerns such as the coordination of multiple actors within the policy process. Networks take both formal and informal forms. As the integration of formal and informal networks in public service delivery is gaining traction, this paper uses the example of diabetes care in Australia and India to provide an analytical framework to examine one of the ways such integration of networks take place. Diabetes, a chronic long‐term disease, poses to be a global problem with a high rate of diagnosis with implications for public health expenditure. A multi‐disciplinary team, which comprises both formal and informal categories, is required to manage diabetes. This paper highlights the integration of networks in diabetes care in different institutional and cultural settings. For such form of integration of networks to work, collaboration among the various actors is important. Lessons learnt from diabetes care will be relevant for other long‐term chronic conditions to help reduce the human resource and financial burden. The analytical framework developed based on the example of diabetes care will provide useful lessons for examining the mechanics and dynamics of the integration between formal and informal networks in the field of public administration and management.     

Public Value Accounting: Establishing the Philosophical Basis

Questions of how best to define the ends, justify the means, and measure the performance of governments have preoccupied political economists for centuries. Recently, the concept of public value—defined in terms of the many dimensions of value that a democratic public might want to see produced by and reflected in the performance of government—has been proposed as an alternative approach. This article develops three philosophical claims central to the practice of public value accounting: (1) when the collectively owned assets of government are being deployed, the appropriate arbiter of public value is the collectively defined values of a “public” called into existence and made articulate through the quite imperfect processes of democratic governance; (2) the collectively owned assets include not only government money but also the authority of the state; (3) the normative framework for assessing the value of government production relies on both utilitarian and deontological philosophical frameworks.     

Corruption and marketization: Formal and informal rules in Chinese public procurement

The relationship between market liberalization and corruption has attracted scholarly attention in recent years. Conventional wisdom holds that increased economic marketization reduces corruption. China, however, provides evidence to the contrary; corruption has grown as its market‐oriented reforms progress. This paradoxical co‐development of the market and corruption begs the intriguing questions of how corruption has survived marketization and what explains the failure of government regulation. Extending the conceptual framework of institutional theory about formal and informal rules, and using public procurement in China as an example, this article shows that formal tendering rules and regulations may be modified, circumvented, or replaced by informal ones which facilitate corruption. The article identifies four corruption schemes through which procurement actors may distort competition processes and mechanisms under the guise of formal rules. Consequently, public procurement in China displays the structural outlook of market competition, but not its essential substance.