论马克思意识形态批判理论的四个向度

马克思的意识形态批判理论主要存在四个向度，即哲学批判、政治经济学批判、资本主义政治法律思想批判以及文化批判。这四个向度是相互渗透、相互包含的。其中，对资产阶级政治经济学的批判是马克思意识形态批判理论的核心，哲学批判是马克思进行政治经济学批判的前提和基础。     

马克思主义中国化理论意识形态的贯通作用

在主流意识形态与主导意识形态之间的区别与联系分析中发现马克思主义中国化理论是贯通主导意识形态和主流意识形态之间的重要组成部分,是连接国家意识形态和社会意识形态的重要部件,是意识形态工作中必须牢牢抓紧和长期建设的重要阵地。我们必须清楚认识到马克思主义中国化理论在意识形态领域的地位,充分发挥马克思主义中国化理论的作用,统一全党全社会的思想,凝聚力量,画好新时代思想同心圆。     

“走出阿尔都塞”还是“回到阿尔都塞”:学术史效应和思想史研究的辩证

国内对阿尔都塞的研究呈现出一种"走出阿尔都塞"的倾向,越来越强调阿尔都塞的理论影响和学术史效应,以及与西方左翼激进政治话语进行理论对话,"后阿尔都塞派"的影响越来越大。针对这种趋势,我们认为更应该"回到阿尔都塞"对阿尔都塞进行思想史的研究。学术史效应应该以思想史研究为基础,夯实学术史争论的理论基础和文本思想依据。阿尔都塞思想史研究应该以当代学术史的争论和政治实践效应为背景,从理论上介入当代学术政治史的争论。建立二者之间的"解释学循环",有助于建立阿尔都塞研究的历史性和当代性之间的"视域融合",超越割裂二者辩证关系的理论原教旨主义和庸俗的实践政治化倾向。     

Medicine and ideology

This paper is an excursion on some of the views that Canguilhem expressed about ideology. The paper argues that there are senses in which modern medical rationality is driven by impulses that might – so long as we modify some of our traditional preconceptions about the concept – be described as ideological. Not least of the merits of Canguilhem's thought in this area was that he made the attempt to create an opening for a rethinking of the concept of ideology in the philosophy and epistemology of science which may be useful and challenging at a time when that concept is otherwise rather discredited.     

Aid and ideology

Abstract. A conceptualization of international aid-giving behaviour, based on the notion of bounded rationality and involving the interaction of objective and subjective factors, is developed. From this conceptualization, four hypotheses are deduced to explain the variation of development aid expenditures as a percentage of GNP: the instrumental hypothesis, the humanitarian hypothesis, the ideological hypothesis, and the incremental hypothesis. These hypotheses are tested on data concerning aid allocations of 17 OECD donors for four points in time (1966, 1971, 1976, and 1981), through the use of a regression model. Results show that the model as a whole explains between 85% and 96% of the variance in the dependent variable. Tests of individual hypotheses show that the instrumental explanation is the best predictor of aid as a percentage of GNP if a lagged value of the dependent variable is used on the right-hand side of the equation. When the lagged value of the dependent variable is dropped from the equations, the best predictor is the ideological explanation. The contribution of the humanitarian explanation to the explained variance is negligible.     

Translation and ideology

This article attempts to investigate, in depth, the concept of ideology in translation. That is to say, the extent to which ideology can influence the translator's style and choice of words that will, consequently, shape the receivers’ worldviews. In recent years the issue of ideological leanings and the implications of ideology on translation have received particular attention. Owing to the importance of this issue of ideology, and as an example of the issues that both the translating practitioner and theorist must deal with, this article provides a detailed, comparative analysis of a translation of the first, formal speech delivered by bin Laden on 7 October 2001 concerning the events of September 11 and his conflict with the United States. The analysis assesses the probability of a translator's ideological intervention in the text and other technical, linguistic problems.     

Domesticating ideology

He is editor-in-chief of Transaction/SOCIETY.His most recent book, The Decomposition of Sociology,will be issued by Oxford University Press in the fall of 1993. He received the National Jewish Book Award for Daydreams and Nightmares,his autobiographical memoir of growing up in Harlem.     

Monetarism and economic ideology

This paper looks at the economics of ‘monetarism’. After a discussion of the conceptualization of money and the way it functions, the mechanisms by which ‘monetarism’ analyses the relationship between the money supply and price formation are highlighted. It is argued that these are inadequate, largely because they are couched at an aggregative macro-level. A reformulation is suggested based upon the necessity to define the economic agents in the economy whose practices and processes provide the basis for the price formation and money-supply generation. The concept of a ‘money-supply’ is raised and the difficulties of defining and controlling this in a developed financial system are discussed. Finally a gesture is made towards the way in which an alternative financial mechanism might develop.     

Party ideology and clientelistic linkage

How does parties' ideology affect their linkage strategies? While scholars maintain that economically right wing parties are more clientelistic, there has been no systematic study testing this argument. We examine the conservative ideology-clientelism nexus with multi-level quantitative analyses of parties' clientelistic appeals. Our analysis reveals a robust, yet nuanced relationship between ideology and clientelism. Specifically, right wing parties are more clientelistic than left wing parties, but only with regard to providing broad economic rents to clients. In contrast, economically conservative parties are not more likely to engage in individual targeted clientelism. Moreover, parties' ties with economic interests mediate the relationship between ideology and clientelism. Finally, the association between parties' linkage to business interests and rents clientelism is attenuated by country-level economic liberalism.     

Authoritarianism: Personality and ideology

Abstract. The concept of authoritarianism has generally been considered a personality construct, although the approach of Adorno et al. was inspired by previous approaches with an ideological 'fascist' angle. These two approaches were, to an appreciable extent, mixed in later conceptualizations. Here, I propose their disentanglement. The classical Adorno et al. F-scale is considered a personality variable. Apart from that, an ideological libertarianism-authoritarianism dimension is constructed, partly validated by its relationship to a shortened unidimensional version of the F-scale. The personality variable of authoritarianism is shown to have no substantial empirical relationship to voting intentions in the Netherlands. However, the ideological measure of authoritarianism is relatively strongly and stably associated with intended voting behaviour. The study also clarifies the ongoing debate over the relationship between authoritarianism and left-right ideology. The weak relationships between measures of authoritarianism and left-right ideology signify the existence of 'left-wing authoritarianism' in the Dutch population.     

略论孔孟的圣人观

圣人是儒家最高的理想人格。孔孟心目中的圣人形象代表着最高的智慧、道德标准和政治理想,对中华民族文化精神的生成和发展产生过重大而深远的影响。研究孔孟的圣人观,对理解孔孟的哲学思想,认识儒家学说的深刻内蕴有着重要的意义,同时对当代人的人格塑造也有着重要的启发价值。     

Recent interpretations of ideology

The ‘emergence’ of the ‘market’ as the basis of economic and political decision-making has become a main focus of debate within the social sciences since the late 1970s. Even while those opposing the growing centrality of neo-classical economics and market-oriented political discourses remain a significant academic constituency, within their ranks there has been a growing realization that regulatory mechanisms, and in particular the role of the state, have nevertheless been the subject of extensive changes. Alternative schools of thought have argued in terms of the way in which such mechanisms have been refashioned. Regulation has become, in the words of Regini and Majone, ‘transferred’ and the ‘boundaries’ between regulator and regulated ‘changed’: the regulatory process has been seen to shift at the macro/national level and at the micro/enterprise level. While supporting the general argument that it is the boundaries of regulation which are to be discussed, not its presence, we shall nevertheless argue that these changes are, if anything, more contentious and that a set of ironies emerges which politicize regulation even further.     

Symbolic ideology in the American electorate

Ideological self-identification in the United States is well measured for the period 1970 to the present. Many survey measures are available and they are posed with considerable frequency and regularity. It is thus a relatively straightforward methodological exercise to combine them into a single measure of the American public's latent disposition to identify as liberal or conservative. What is problematic about this state of affairs is that the availability of these good measures occurs after a number of important changes in the American political context, changes that, we argue, have affected how Americans conceive of ideological terms and how scholars think about self-identification in the modern electorate. This paper seeks to measure and explain ideological self-identification in the time before modern survey research. We undertake an historical analysis of scattered pieces of public opinion data before 1970, assembling the pieces to build a time series of self-identification from 1937 to 2006. We then begin attempts at explaining the now observable, and often dramatic, changes in this series.     

Individual campaign contributions and candidate ideology

Individual citizens are the largest source of contributions for congressional candidates in the United States. This paper investigates if and how fundraising from this source is related to the ideological positions of candidates. Specifically, we ask whether the amount of contributions depends on: (1) the extremity of candidate ideology; and (2) the level of candidate divergence in the same race. These results have important implications for candidate positioning strategies, as well as for evaluating the effects of recent campaign finance reforms.