Political and economic issues within the alliance: The future of Burden‐sharing and the Southern region

Annuario 1999: la costituzione europea : atti del XIV Convegno Annuale, Perugia 7–8–9‐ ottobre 1999 / Associazione italiana dei costituzionalisti. ‐ Padova : Cedam, c2000. ‐ XXXII, 633 p. ‐ ISBN 88–13–22621–7

La constitution de I'Europe / edité par Paul Magnette. ‐ Bruxelles : Editions de I'U‐niversité de Bruxelles, c2000. ‐ 201 p. ‐ ISBN 2–8004–1245–3

Europe's first constitution : the European Political Community, 1952–1954 / Richard T. Griffiths. ‐ London : Federal trust, c2000. ‐ 275 p. ‐ ISBN 1–903403–21–9

Consolidation of democracy in Africa : a view from the South / edited by Hussein Solomon, Ian Liebenberg. ‐ Aldershot: Ashgate, c2000. ‐ xii, 367 p. ‐ (The making of modern Africa). ‐ ISBN 0–7546–1174–4

The dissolution of Yugoslavia and the Badinter Arbitration Commission : a contextual study of peace‐making efforts in the post‐Cold War world / Steve Terrett. ‐ Aldershot: Ashgate, c2000. ‐ xxii, 395 p. ‐ ISBN 0–7546–2102–2

Europe and the breakup of Yugoslavia : a political failure in search of a scholarly explanation / Sonia Lucarelli. ‐ The Hague : Kluwer Law International, c2000. ‐ xvi, 278 p. ‐ ISBN 90–411–1439–4

Evolution and devolution : the dynamics of sovereignty and security in post‐Cold War Europe / Tom Lansford. ‐ Aldershot : Ashgate, c2000. ‐ viii, 242 p. ‐ ISBN 0–7546–1255–4

Funding virtue : civil society aid and democracy promotion / Marina Ottaway, Thomas Carothers, editors. ‐ Washington : Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, c2000. ‐ x, 340 p. ‐ ISBN 0–87003–178–3 (pbk)

The third force : the rise of transnational civil society / Ann M. Florini, editor. ‐ Tokyo : Japan Center for International Exchange ; Washington : Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, c2000. ‐ viii, 295 p. ‐ ISBN 0–87003–179–1 (pbk)

The geostrategic triad: living with China, Europe, and Russia / Zbigniew Brzezin‐ski. ‐ Washington : CSIS, c2000. ‐ XII, 75 p. ‐ (Significant issues ; v.23, n.1). ‐ ISBN 0–89206–384‐X

Islam and European legal systems / edited by Silvio Ferrari, Anthony Bradney. ‐Aldershot: Ashgate, c2000. ‐ x, 203 p. ‐ ISBN 1–84014–466–1

The nuclear challenge : US‐Russian strategic relations after the Cold War / Christoph Bluth. ‐ Aldershot : Ashgate, c2000. ‐ viii, 190 p. ‐ ISBN 1–85521–896–8

The politics of British arms sales since 1964 : ‘to secure our rightful share’ / Mark Phythian. ‐ Manchester: Manchester University Press, c2000. ‐ xii, 340 p. ‐ ISBN 0–7190–5907–0

The role of small states in the European Union / ’Baldur Thorhallsson. ‐ Aldershot : Ashgate, c2000. ‐ x, 252 p. ‐ ISBN 0–7546–1423–9.

South American Free Trade Area or Free Trade Area of the Americas?: open regionalism and the future of regional economic integration in South America / Mario Esteban Carranza. ‐ Aldershot: Ashgate, c2000. ‐ xiv, 245 p. ‐ (The political economy of Latin Amrica). ‐ ISBN 1–84014–795–4

Taiwan's security in the post‐Deng Xiaoping era / Martin L. Lasater, Peter Kien‐hong Yu; with contributions from Kuang‐ming Hsu and Robyn Lim. ‐ London : Frank Cass, 2000. ‐ xii, 355 p. ‐ ISBN 0–7146–5083–8

Taiwan Strait dilemmas : China‐Taiwan‐U.S. policies in the new century / edited by Gerrit W. Gong. ‐ Washington : The CSIS Press, c2000. ‐ XVIII, 174 p. ‐ (Significant issues ; v.22, n.1). ‐ ISBN 0–89206–363–7     

The US post‐imperial presidency and transatlantic relations

The EU’s response to the Arab Spring is seen as one of its biggest missed opportunities. It has been unable to bring together its different tools of foreign, development and security policy into a strategic joined-up approach. The interconnectedness of the socio-economic and political demands of the popular uprisings across the north of Africa represented a unique opportunity to implement such a joined-up approach. The EU’s ambitious rhetoric and pledges to promote ‘deep democracy’ have not been matched at policy level in the fields of money, market or mobility. Whilst certain member states have sought to overcome the different operating logics of the development, diplomatic and security communities in their regional Arab Partnership programmes, a number of structural and circumstantial factors limit the effectiveness of these attempts, at both the EU and member state level.     

The evolution of the European economy: Implications for Trans‐Atlantic relations

The Russian attitude towards the European Neighbourhood Policy constitutes a serious obstacle to the realisation of the Union's agenda in its neighbourhood. The Russian challenge takes three main forms: 1) with Russia not a part of the EU's overall approach involving the principle of conditionality, the Union's legitimacy and international actorness in general is in danger of being undermined; 2) Russia is increasingly starting to put forward its own model of operation, thus hampering the realisation of the Union's goals in the neighbourhood; 3) Russia is engaging in business activities that are in effect undoing the ENP's energy component. There are no easy fixes to these problems. What the Union must do is believe in its own values and visions: it is only by example that it can promote its ideals outside its institutional boundaries.     

The common European security and defence policy and the ‘third‐country’ issue

The Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP) of the European Union (EU) was launched in 1999 and has been perceived as a landmark step toward European security cooperation, particularly in the field of crisis management. Still in its early stages, some difficult issues have become apparent. Of these, the so‐called ‘third‐country’ issue may prove to be among the most significant. This problem refers to the necessity of associating states outside the EU with CESDP. In this regard, three states stand out — the United States, Turkey and Russia — and this article considers their concerns and the European response in detail. This is prefaced by a general overview of how the third‐country problem emerged and what the EU has done to address it. It concludes by suggesting that third‐country considerations could well determine where and how EU‐led missions operating under the auspices of CESDP are deployed.     

The Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement—economic potentials and policy perspectives

After more than 4 years of negotiations, Japan and the EU have reached an agreement for bilateral free trade. The intended liberalization of trade in goods, agriculture, and services would create the world’s largest free trade area. Japan and Europe are sending a strong signal against protectionism and in favor of free trade and modernizing global trade rules. While free trade in the transatlantic and the transpacific context will remain an illusion for some time to come, the Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA) is a realistic option for trade partners at the western and eastern side of the Eurasian continent. The expected overall positive effects of JEEPA should not obscure the limitations and risks of the intended trade integration. There will be economic losers of the agreement both in Europe and in Japan. There is plenty of fuel for political and social conflict. And in light of the many informal barriers, market access to Japan will remain extremely difficult for European companies. Beyond trade policy, JEEPA has a political dimension, too. It shows the political will to counteract economic disintegration and the loss of political substance in the bilateral relationship. The aim is to intensify cooperation, which would benefit both sides economically and politically.     

The Nato enlargement debate in the media and civil‐military relations in the Czech Republic and Slovakia

This article links the NATO enlargement debate to the course of civil‐military relations in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. After a general analysis of civil‐military relations and the media, it looks at the NATO membership issues discussed across seven dimensions and their impact on relations between civil society and the military. It concludes that a gap existed between the governing elite and the public in both countries.     

Is there any unity to the Trans-Caspian Region? The economic relations between Central Asia and the Caucasus

Since the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the three states of South Caucasus or Trans-Caucasus (Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia) and the five of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan) have played up their role as intermediaries between Europe and Asia and have tried to constitute the Caspian as an entity. This new Trans-Caspian road obeys political and economic logics as the states of the South Caucasus along with those of Central Asia are interested in bypassing Russia and developing their bilateral relations to acquire new markets in Europe and in Asia. Despite the existence of sometimes divergent, sometimes convergent interests, and the non-negligible political and economic risks, none of the states of the South Caucasus, nor those of Central Asia, want to undermine the dynamic of Trans-Caspian rapprochement.     

Competing brothers: The web of Hamas‐PLO relations

This article deals with Hamas’ ideological and political dilemmas between the years 1988 and 1995, which include the contradiction between Hamas particularism as a Palestinian national movement and the universalism of its Islamic message; the divergence between its perception of itself as a political movement and the lack of political flexibility in its Charter; and the nature of its relationship with the PLO. The article analyzes three modes of political action developed by Hamas: competing with the PLO, preventing the outbreak of Arab civil war and opening formal communication channels with the PLO in order to discuss basic disagreements. Finally, the author shows how the implementation of the PLO‐Israeli accords altered Hamas‐PLO relations. No longer a competition among ostensible equals, their relationship became one of a ruling authority versus an opposition group.     

TV News and the language of acid rain in Canadian‐American relations

This study focuses on American television news coverage of a specific issue, acid rain, in Canadian‐American affairs. It attempts to bring into focus the interaction of the formal characteristics of the news and political orientations of the viewing audience to offer an alternative approach to the pluralistic models that dominate media and foreign policy research. Finally, the study offers several strategic propositions describing the relationship of news language to political responses for this particular case of Canadian‐American affairs.     

People-to-people Diplomacy of China under the background of The “Belt and Road” Initiative

正Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,under the leadership of the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core,China has made great achievements,in social and economic development with rapidly rising comprehensive national strength growing international influence and the expansion of diplomatic work.China’s diplomacy is stepping into a whole new era,in which opportunities and     

Is the Russian federation becoming more democratic? Moscow‐regional relations and the development of the post‐Soviet Russian State

This article addresses the condition of Russian democracy by focusing on the developing political relations between the central government and regional governments. A situation of profound ambivalence and ambiguity has evolved since ratification of the Russian Federation Constitution in December 1993. Regional governments have found it possible to gain a degree of political autonomy uncharacteristic of Russia's long historical experience, yet increasingly in line with global trends toward decentralization of governmental authority. Two political patterns in the current Russian Federation are explored, both of them promising broad and enduring significance. First, the political ambiguity of relations between the national government and regional authorities may provide the context in which divided government serves to enable democracy, despite the appearance of authoritarian rule in many regions themselves. Second, the nature of the interaction between the centre and regional authorities may be breaking new ground, in terms of flexible solutions to intra‐state relations among different levels of government. Because certain aspects of centre‐regional relations in the Russian Federation replicate comparable issues elsewhere (particularly regarding the ethnic‐territorial dimension of politics), the Federation's approaches and solutions to this aspect of state‐formation could suggest useful lessons for other parts of the world.     

Lord Curzon and British policy towards the Franco‐Belgian occupation of the Ruhr in 1923

An analysis of the ways in which different composite monarchies conducted international relations in the eighteenth century reveals the interplay of structure and contingency in shaping change and the discussion of change. Hanover-Britain is compared with Saxony-Poland. Considering Britain as an example of a polity created and shaped by a dynastic personal union redresses teleological tendencies in the treatment of international relations and offers an important perspective.     

The security dilemma in Sino‐Indian relations

With the end of the Cold War, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the collapse of the old economic order in India a dozen years ago, the outmoded methods New Delhi had employed for four decades to engage the world were no longer tenable. C. Raja Mohan, one of India's leading strategic thinkers, has traced the remarkable transformation in New Delhi's foreign policy during the 1990s in Crossing the Rubicon, a thoughtful new study of the ideas shaping Indian diplomacy. Mohan highlights five changes in the conceptual underpinnings guiding Indian foreign policy since the early 1990s: a shift from domestically focused socialism to a globalized free market economy; a de-emphasis on politics in favor of economics; an abandonment of New Delhi's earlier infatuation with “Third Worldism” and non-alignment; a rejection of anti-Westernism; and a loss of idealism. These new forces have left India, Mohan contends, with a foreign policy infinitely more suitable for meeting the challenges of the twenty-first century. New Delhi is now poised, he adds, to break out of the South Asian box in which it has been confined, and assume its rightful place among the world's leading powers.