俄罗斯经济形势分析与预测

2007年俄罗斯经济强劲增长，各项主要经济指标完成情况好于预期。各部门、各产业发展呈活跃态势。但喜中也有忧，通货膨胀迅速攀升，经济增长仍主要依赖能源、原材料出口。2008年，俄经济仍将保持继续稳定增长趋势，受通胀等因素影响，增速有可能放缓。     

俄罗斯经济：“套车慢，但跑起来快”——普京第一任内俄罗斯经济发展态势分析

上世纪90年代以来,俄罗斯经济经历了一个从全面危机到逐步实现稳定增长的过程,其中普京任期的业绩斐然.对于俄经济中所发生的变化以及未来前景,国际社会,包括俄、中两国的学者有着不同的评价和预测.从普京执政以来俄罗斯政治、经济、社会诸领域发生的变化看,苏联解体给俄罗斯带来的各种冲击正在被逐步消化,经济发展中的积极因素越来越多,尽管还有大量的问题需要解决,但"质"的变化不容忽视.俄罗斯经济已经具备了稳定发展的条件,前景乐观.     

俄罗斯石油、天然气工业与中俄能源合作

俄罗斯石油储量占世界总储量的13%,天然气占34%,石油和天然气已成为俄罗斯重要出口换汇产品。苏联解体后,由于投资下降、设备老化、运输成本及国内税率大大高于国际市场等特点,石油、天然气工业面临着严重的困难。引入外资,加强中俄能源合作是俄能源工业发展的重要途径,这也将有助于俄罗斯经济的发展,加快俄罗斯振兴的步伐。随着中国经济的发展,我国石油年均进口递增34%,中俄能源合作将为中国未来的能源安全供给提供可靠保证。     

2004年俄罗斯经济回顾

2004年俄罗斯经济连续第六年实现高速增长,引起世界各国的关注。俄罗斯经济的良好发展态势,不仅得益于国际市场较高的石油价格,也是俄罗斯经济内在变化的结果。可以预见,未来一个时期俄罗斯经济向好的基本条件依然具备,经济前景十分乐观。     

The political use of military power in the Mediterranean by the United States and the Soviet Union

Since 2003, state control in the Russian economy has increased significantly. This has affected mainly, but not only, the oil industry. This policy development gives some grounds for concern about Russia's long-run growth. Its origins lie in power struggles within the political elite, in efforts by members of that elite to enrich themselves and in a profound distrust on the part of that elite of any sources of power that they do not themselves control. One result is that business confidence has been dented, the growth of oil output has slowed, and future GDP growth depends more heavily than before on further growth in oil prices.     

论俄罗斯市场经济的表现特点与未来定位——兼评俄罗斯是否是市场经济“正常国家”

俄罗斯在市场经济正常运转之后向何处发展?这个问题日益受到国内外学者们的关注。本文就俄裔美要】国经济学家安德森·施莱弗等所提出的"俄罗斯是一个正常国家"的论点加以展述,选择从俄罗斯的经济增长与转型终结、市场制度的移植与承继、"国家资本主义"模式特征等角度进行审视,提出俄罗斯已是市场经济"正常国家",对俄罗斯市场经济的表现特点及其未来定位进行评述。     

俄罗斯强化武器出口的动因、举措及前景分析

进入新世纪以来,俄罗斯政府把武器出口上升到战略高度,采取了一系列促进武器出口的措施,俄武器出口步入持续增长期。目前,俄罗斯已经成为仅次于美国的武器出口大国。俄强化武器出口动机多元,其武器出口未来走势值得关注。     

The Russian case for military intervention in Georgia: international law,norms and political calculation

Abstract

The Russian military intervention in Georgia in August 2008 has raised significant questions about Russian thinking and practice on the legitimate use of military force abroad, especially in relation to neighbour states. The arguments advanced by Russia to justify this campaign show how Russian interpretations of customary international law as well as norms related to the use of force have served as an instrument of state policy, rather than being rooted in any broader international consensus. The Russian discourse in this context about sovereignty, self-determination and the legitimacy of recognising South Ossetia and Abkhazia as states appears similarly to be strongly influenced by political self-interest and Russian views about its entitlement within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region. Among Russian claims, Moscow's commitment to support its ‘citizens’ abroad has been particularly controversial. This article examines these issues and also the possibility that, through its justifications for waging war against Georgia, Russia is more broadly contesting the interpretation of certain international norms, that it regards as essentially constructed by Western states. Some potential implications of these legal and normative arguments for future Russian policy in the CIS region, including Ukraine, are also examined.     

黑龙江省对俄经贸合作形势分析与预测

2008年黑龙江省继续推进对俄经贸科技合作战略升级，在对俄经济技术和投资方面取得了新进展。但1—9月，受多种因素的影响，对俄贸易额出现近年来的首次负增长，主要是对俄出口大幅下降。当前，中俄经贸合作站在新的起点上，既有新的机遇也面临着新的挑战。我们应对当前及今后一个时期的形势做出正确判断并进行科学决策，推动对俄经贸科技合作登上新台阶。     

经济政策调整将决定俄罗斯经济的未来发展

1999—2001年,俄罗斯经济呈现出迅速恢复的势头,国内生产总值增长了19．7%,工业增长了30．4%,投资增加了33．5%。但是,喜中有忧,俄罗斯经济受若干国内和国际因素的制约,这些因素的变化将对俄罗斯经济的未来发展产生决定性的影响。能否根据这些因素的变化及时地对经济政策作出调整,关系到俄罗斯经济的未来发展。     

2003年俄罗斯经济预测

自1999年至今,俄罗斯经济已连续4年增长。2003年俄经济将继续增长,但增幅不会太大,GDP增长率可预测为3.5％-4.5％。这样预测的理由是,占主导地位的积极因素将决定会继续增长,依然存在的消极因素将决定增速不会太快。为了使俄经济继续保持稳定增长,俄政府将针对目前存在的问题采取一系列调整措施。     

Russian Orthodox Church and Nuclear Command and Control: A Hypothesis

Abstract

The Russian Orthodox Church plays an immense role in current Russian national security policy. The intertwining of the church and the strategic community is nowhere more visible than in the nuclear-weapons complex, where the priesthood has penetrated all levels of command, been involved in operational activities, and positioned itself as a provider of meanings for, and guardian of, the state’s nuclear potential. The first work to highlight the phenomenon of the Russian church-nuclear nexus, this article focuses on the ecclesiastical impact on Russian nuclear command and control. The findings suggest that it is not inconceivable that the Russian military clergy—like the Soviet political officers and contrary to chaplains worldwide—might become future participants in decision making on matters of national security, and that de facto there might be two parallel chains of command authority emerging in Russia, with potential tensions between them. The article outlines the causes of this overlooked singularity and its implications for the theory and practice of international security.     

俄罗斯经济的恢复性增长问题

2000—2001年俄罗斯经济保持了恢复性增长。联邦预算出现盈余，财政状况好转；通货膨胀基本得到控制，卢布汇率大体保持稳定；对外贸易规模有所扩大，外贸顺差继续增加；国内外投资也有所增加。增长的原因首先与普京政府积极而有效的工作有关，同时，卢布贬值和国际市场上有利的石油价格对俄经济恢复发挥着重要作用。俄罗斯经济回升的道路并不平坦，但它最终会克服目前的种种困难，走上健康的发展道路。     

进一步开拓俄罗斯建筑市场时不我待

随着经济稳定增长,俄罗斯建筑市场迅速发展,对建筑材料和建筑工程承包的需求量持续扩大,从而为我国建筑企业和建材生产企业进入俄罗斯建筑市场提供了前提条件。与此同时,俄罗斯的投资环境不断改善,为我国企业对俄开展建筑领域的合作提供了可操作性。可以预料,我国建筑企业在俄罗斯建筑市场上将大有作为。     

普京时代俄罗斯经济转轨方向的调整:从宪政治理到威权治理

从戈尔巴乔夫改革开始,俄罗斯经济便陷入了困境,叶利钦时期的"休克疗法"更加使俄罗斯经济陷入水深火热的境地。普京执政后,俄罗斯经济逐渐走出困境,不仅实现了政局稳定、经济增长的目标,而且逐步恢复了其在世界经济的大国影响力。是什么原因造成如此大的反差?我们的观点认为正是普京的威权治国模式才使得俄罗斯经济重新崛起。中国和东亚一些国家威权治理的成功经验,反衬了叶利钦时期俄罗斯宪政治理的弊端与缺陷,从而得出在经济发展初期,必须保证国家的权威,即实行威权治理。而在具备一定经济基础的条件下,必须适时由威权治理向宪政治理转轨。     

俄罗斯经济快速增长的因素分析及2008年预测

2006年俄罗斯经济保持稳定增长态势。2007年俄罗斯的经济形势总体上可以概括为:经济继续稳定增长,增速进一步提高。由于宏观经济环境整体性得到改善,经济增长的内需导向型发展进一步加强,国内经济的基本因素在经济增长中起主导作用,这是俄多年来改革和调整措施逐步生效的结果。为转变增长方式,政府在经济生活中的作用继续增强。受能源供给增长乏力的限制,2007年俄罗斯出口增幅趋缓的趋势不会改变,进口增速远远高于出口增速成为2007年的显著特征。但国际高油价的利益驱动仍会使俄罗斯不断增加石油生产和出口,同时"黑色金子"也是推进俄内需作用扩张的重要基础。值得关注的是金融对经济增长的拉动作用开始显现。我们乐观地认为,2008年俄罗斯继续保持稳定的增长势头。     

俄罗斯远东经济形势与展望

20 0 2年俄罗斯企业的财政状况有所改善 ,投资增长强劲 ,消费活跃 ,小企业保持高速增长态势 ,物价水平稳中微升。但与此同时 ,经济发展的基础条件恶化 ,构成经济增长主要拉动因素的工业经济和出口乏力 ,导致经济增长大幅回落 ,所有这些不利因素表明经济自主增长的基础还很脆弱。 2 0 0 3年经济走势面临一系列有利和不利因素 ,但经济增长率将略高于 2 0 0 2年     

“Glory to Breivik!”: The Russian Far Right and the 2011 Norway Attacks

This article documents Anders Behring Breivik's reception on the Russian far Right, with a comparative view to Western Europe. On July 22, 2011, Breivik carried out two terrorist attacks in Norway, killing 77 people. Based on a variety of open sources, the article finds that Breivik has received much more open support in Russia than in Western Europe. I suggest there are three main reasons why Russia stands out. First, a weaker social stigma attached to Right-Wing extremism reduces the cost of publicly embracing Right-Wing terrorists. Second, higher levels of violence in Russian society increase desensitization and violence acceptance. Third, the embrace of Breivik fits into a vibrant tradition of iconizing Right-Wing militants on the Russian far Right. The article highlights Russia as a hotspot of Right-Wing extremist activism in Europe. It also provides insights that may prove useful in future comparative research on cross-national variation in Right-Wing violence and terrorism.     

Russia and the OSCE: From High Hopes to Disillusionment

The subject of this article is the changing balance between Russia's positive and negative interests in the Conference on/Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE/OSCE) as these have evolved in relation to Western policies on the OSCE and European security relations in general. Parallel to the decline of positive Russian interests in the CSCE/OSCE, an increase in negative attitudes can be observed, most of which concern the OSCE's activities in post-Soviet countries. While the Soviet Union was traditionally a reliable supporter of the CSCE, the Russian Federation, which initially pursued the same policy, has lost most of its sense of ownership in the OSCE. This change in Russian attitudes is critical for the Organisation's future, for an OSCE without active Russian participation would lose much of its raison d'être.