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实践概念是马克思主义哲学首要的和最基本的概念。马克思科学实践概念的确立是对旧哲学实践观的总结与扬弃。马克思的科学实践观实现了哲学的革命性变革,在科学实践概念的基础上实现了哲学的变革,给后世思想家以深刻的理论启示和实践上的应用指导。  相似文献   

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Drawing on a recent survey on xenophobia and racism in France (autumn 2000), Mayer and Michelat compare answers to questions about minorities (measuring objective racism) with answers to a question on a respondent's own feeling as to his or her own racism (subjective racism), and to an open question about what it means to be 'racist'. The results show that, for three-quarters of the sample, the objective and subjective dimensions overlap: the level of subjective racism goes up with scores on the objective racism scale. But there are two deviant groups. The scrupulous (10 per cent), often to be found among principled Catholics or Communists, feel themselves to be racist in spite of their low scores on the objective scale, while the deniers (14 per cent) do not think of themselves as being racist in spite of their high scores. In line with theories of 'subtle racism', members of this latter group seem to be aware of an anti-racist norm and do not consider themselves to be racist, in contradistinction to racists, who admit being so, and are even proud to transgress the norm.  相似文献   

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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):323-340
Anti-racist movements in France have been characterized by their strong political orientation and their tendency to be highly centralized. However, in the past decade the increasing salience of the position of ‘new immigrants’, a term that in France is used to include asylum-seekers, has been accompanied by a shift in the form and content of anti-racist mobilization. Support for asylum-seekers has been provided by a multiplicity of specialist national and local organizations developing modes of solidarity that are more akin to welfare, social work or humanitarian aid than the more directly and overtly political interventions common among French anti-racists. At the same time local committees have developed in places of high tension, but at some distance from the political limelight of Paris. Lloyd examines some of these developments in the context of the crisis of provision for asylum-seekers in France. After setting out some basic information about asylum, undocumented migrants and the law in France she examines the political debate about ‘the new immigrants’ and racism. Comparing the relatively successful sans papiers movement of the 1990s with the difficulties of organizing among and with more isolated, transient and socially deprived asylum-seekers, she discusses the way in which this new set of issues has challenged the main anti-racist organizations and given rise to new actors and alliances.  相似文献   

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江总书记“七一”重要讲话,全面回顾总结了我们党80年的奋斗历程、光辉业绩和基本经验,系统深刻地阐述了“三个代表”的科学内涵和实践要求,深刻回答了这些年来经常困扰人们的重要思想理论问题。这对于我们在新世纪全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程,对于推进建设有中国特色社会主义事业将产生重大而深远的影响。一、党面临新的历史性课题江总书记“七一”讲话明确地指出,全党同志要坚持从新的实际出发,以改革的精神研究和解决党的建设面临的重大理论和现实问题,使党始终保持先进性和纯洁性,充满创造力、凝聚力和战斗力。“从新的实际…  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

The advent of a post-racial understanding of racism has changed the way in which Europe sees itself and its ethnic minorities. The concept of the post-racial emerged in the United States to describe a belief that America was no longer a racist society and the election of Barack Obama to the highest office in the land was a public and highly visible confirmation of that state of affairs. A global post-racial culture has taken hold of western plutocracies in which racism is universally denounced but increasingly difficult to pin down. Sayyid's study, by using a decolonial analytics, examines the different ways in which racism is imagined and how this imagination shapes the way in which the post-racial appears. The paper goes on to sketch out an alternative account of the post-racial as an aspect of the various trends that have been described as being post-political.  相似文献   

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Van Vossole's article explores the racist framing of the peripheral member states of the European Union, the PIGS (Portugal, Ireland (and/or Italy), Greece and Spain). It demonstrates a strong connection between the processes of racialization and depoliticization, as well as the return of colonial dynamics in the Eurozone. Side-stepping political economy and history, the culturalization of politics perfectly complements the ‘post-political’ neoliberal hegemony. Political and media discourses reproduce it in both populist and corporate interests. The culturalization of politics reduces the differences between centre and periphery to certain ‘cultural characteristics and habits’, as reflected in stereotypes of laziness, non-productivity, corruption, wasteful spending and lying. These make it possible to blame the PIGS for the current crisis, legitimizing drastic austerity measures and a loss of sovereignty. The loss of sovereignty shows remarkable similarities with what Kwame Nkrumah defined as neocolonialism: the continuation of colonial power relations through processes of economic dependence, conditional aid and cultural hegemony. While this problematic only resurfaced during the recent Euro crisis, Van Vossole discusses how today's racist discourses and neocolonial politics have their roots in the past, particularly in anti-Irish and anti-Mediterranean racism and in the (semi-)colonial position of the PIGS in the British and Ottoman empires. Besides structural violence against the periphery, a major consequence of this racialization is that it jeopardizes any possibility of further democratic political integration on the basis of a common European identity.  相似文献   

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苏联马克思学、西方马克思学的历史贡献与历史局限(下)   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
二、西方马克思学:启迪作用与重大缺憾"广义的西方马克思学"研究有两种形态。一是比较侧重于研究当代资本主义重大现实问题和马克思主义基本理论问题的西方新马克思主义;二是比较侧重于文本考证、文献研究的西方马克思学,可以称为狭义的西方马克思学。二者虽然对待马克思主义的基本态度有所不同,但二者在解读模式上却基本一致,多半都采取"以西解马"的解读模式,即按照西方哲学框架来解读马克思。  相似文献   

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苏联马克思学与西方马克思学是马克思学研究的两种历史形态。二者都取得了不俗的成绩,但都存在着诸多局限性。要构建中国马克思学,不仅要学习、借鉴苏联马克思学、西方马克思学,而且要扬弃、超越苏联马克思学、西方马克思学。  相似文献   

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自由主义在西方至今仍是占主导地位的意识形态。它的历史虽然可以追溯到古希腊,但作为一种思想流派和理论体系,则是近代以来的事情,实质上是资产阶级的一种自由观和民主观,与马克思主义的自由观民主现有着本质的区别。本文围绕马克思主义与自由主义在自由民主问题上的基本分歧作一筒要评述。  相似文献   

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During the 1970s, both the Crimean Tatars and Meskhetian Turks in Soviet Central Asia compared their plight to that of the Palestinians. The Stalin regime deported both the Crimean Tatars and Meskhetian Turks from their homelands to dispersed settlements in Central Asia. The similarities between the Soviet policies of expelling and permanently excluding the Crimean Tatars and Meskhetian Turks from their homelands and similar Israeli policies towards the Palestinians are not entirely coincidental. The Zionists based their mass expulsion of Palestinians in 1948 and subsequent prohibition on allowing them to return to their homes in part on the Soviet model. The similarities between the two instances of ethnic cleansing are due in large part to this conscious emulation of Stalin's methods by the Zionists.  相似文献   

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