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在华印支难民既是国际印支难民的重要组成部分,也有其自身特殊性。他们主要是中国与越南关系恶化之后越南反华排华的结果,中国政府一开始是以难侨来对待他们,1979年之后才主要从难民的角度进行处理。中国与国际社会在印支难民问题上积极合作,包括与联合国难民署的友好合作,以及与日本、澳大利亚和老挝等国家在印支难民外流、自愿遣返等问题上的双边合作。这些历史经验为近年来关于中国难民立法与政策的相关争论提供一些有意义的思考。 相似文献
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1979年日内瓦国际印支难民会议上,英国代表香港承诺作为印支难民的"第一收容港",给予出逃的印支难民以临时的庇护,等待西方国家的再安置。港英政府不折不扣地将这一政策执行了近20年。直到特区政府成立后,才于1998年1月正式取消这一政策。造成越南难民和船民问题滞留香港多年的原因是多方面的,既有国际社会层面的因素,也有英国及港英政府方面的原因。越南难民和船民问题,带给香港的最大启示是怎样在人道主义与内部利益冲突中找到一个平衡点。 相似文献
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联合国难民事务高级专员公署(联合国难民署)是全世界最重要的人道主义机构之一。该署根据1950年第5届联合国大会决议于1951年1月1日在日内瓦成立。1971年我国恢复在联合国的合法席位后,我国于1979年6月恢复了在执委会的活动,每年派团出席执委会届会,并派部长级代表团出席了多次有关难民问题的国际会议。此外,自1978年以来,中国政府本着人道主义精神先后接收了28.3万印支难民。难民署也于1979年下半年开始向在华印支难民提供援助并设立了驻 相似文献
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逾20年前,印支地区烽火连天,约有190万人不顾生命安危逃往海外,引发难民投奔怒海浪潮,亚洲很多国家成为他们的避难地。1975年4月,北越攻占南越首都西贡,4天后一批又一批越南难民乘船登陆马来西亚,马来西亚基于人道立场,及联合国调协下预期他们将获得第三国家收留,而安置这些难民暂时住在比农岛和吉隆坡新街场等7个难民营。马来西亚共收容了25.83万名印支船民,其中超过24.8万名移居第三国家。自1945年以来,澳大利亚吸纳了超过570万来自150多个国家的移民,包括越南难民。为了协助新移民溶入当地社… 相似文献
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(一) 老挝难民据联合国难民高级专员公署的统计,一九八一年到达“第一接待”国家的印支难民有99,169名,其中有四分之三的人是乘船逃出来的。官方公布,从一九七五年以来,有八十五万越南人、老挝人和柬埔寨人逃离他们的祖国,这还未包括在海上失财丧命的人和在柬泰边境死去的人在内。 相似文献
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日本越南人社群是随着印支难民潮产生之后而在日本逐渐形成的新社群。对印支难民的接收开创了战后日本较大规模接收外国难民的先例。为了让越南难民更好地适应在新环境的定居生活,日本方面采取了诸多的措施。如今在日本已经基本形成了较为稳定的越南人社群,但日本越南人在总体上的社会地位还不高。这既与难民本身的特殊性有关,也是由于日本自身对外来人士的封闭性和消极性造成了难民政策措施上的一些缺陷。伴随着对日本社会的不断磨合与适应,日本越南人社群与日本主流社会的距离有望进一步拉近。 相似文献
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1984年5月,法国“法兰西文献出版社”出版了题为《东南亚的难民》的专题调查报告集,并将列入《官方报告丛书》。本书所称“东南亚难民”,主要指印支三国的难民。从本世纪七十年代初起,由于印支 相似文献
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Simon A. Waldman 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2014,25(4):630-645
The birth of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Near East Refugees (UNRWA) in 1949 represented the culmination of two years of international diplomacy to solve the Palestinian refugee problem. The United States, Britain, and the international community not only sought an agency to take charge of refugee relief, but also envisaged a body to facilitate direct programmes for public works to wean the refugees away from aid dependency whilst also contributing to the economic productivity of host Arab nations. It was hoped this would support the refugees on a self-sustaining basis and even lead to their re-settlement and re-integration into the region. This analysis examines how and why Britain, the United States, and international bodies established UNRWA and identifies why UNRWA, by 1951, was unable to fulfil the task for which it was initially conceived. 相似文献
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The growing tendency toward non-compliance with internationalobligations to refugees requires UNHCR to make contingency plansfor asylum denials. Making such plans calls for tools, suchas game theory and confrontation analysis, that link non-compliancein refugee asylum with the configuration of interests for asylumand donor countries in a potential crisis. We illustrate suchtools in a case study of Afghan refugees in Pakistan in 19972001,which generated asylum denials by Pakistan ranging from briefborder closings to threats of mass refoulement, linked to thewithholding of assistance by the United States and other donors.We also consider the prospects for using these tools to informcontingency planning for an impending crisis. 相似文献
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The category of refugee has been problematic for both practitionersand social scientists because it is difficult to define an objectivecategory that satisfactorily brings the real world, ethics,and theory into harmony. In recent years many critiques havebeen made of the assumptions built into the legal refugee frameworkand efforts have been made to refine the concept from multipledisciplinary perspectives. This paper examines several underlyingassumptions of these discussions, including the category offorced migration, through a discussion of the example of Salvadoransin the United States in the 1980s. One assumption has been notedbut insufficiently theorized: the centrality of the individual.The person assumed by both the refugee and human rights regimesof the United Nations is a culturally-specific construct definingthe relationship between the individual and society in a waythat precludes an adequate understanding of refugees. 相似文献
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In order to capture refugees experiences and narrativesit is necessary to create space within research to be able tonotice the untold within the interviews. This article focuseson the ways that Iranian women refugees (in the Netherlandsand the United States) narrate their experiences of the pastand the present or stay silent when the experiences are toodifficult to talk about. Including the moments of silence withinthe process of analysing the stories has helped the researcherto discover different layers within the interviews. The mainargument of this article is that the combination of the lifestories method and the comparative nature of the research haveespecially helped to find out about the different ways in whichthe past is positioned within the present narratives. The lifestories in particular have created the necessary space to listento the often untold stories of refugees. This has enabled theresearcher to go beyond the expressed words in order to understanddifferent layers of expression within the narratives. 相似文献
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The paper explores the marginalization of Sudanese refugeesin Cairo, arguing that although socially, economically, culturallyand politically marginalized, refugees participate and contributeto the transformation of urban spaces in Cairo, as they do elsewherein the developing world. The paper finds that in terms of legalsecurity and livelihood coping strategies, there is little differencebetween those refugees with legal status and those residingillegally in Egypt. Despite social exclusion and lack of accessto rights and services, some Sudanese refugees balance risksand costs of marginalization to advance their livelihoods. Ingeneral, in the context of lack of full integration possibilitiesin Egypt and inadequate assistance provided by the United NationsHigh Commissioner for Refugees Office and international andlocal organizations and faith-based institutions, refugees comeup with creative ways of managing their livelihoods, contributingboth economically and culturally to the host society. In thiscontext, refugees are seen as social agents, rather than aneconomic burden for the host country. 相似文献
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James Llewelyn 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(4):608-633
During the Vietnam War there were high expectations from the Johnson and Nixon Administrations for Japan and Britain to provide practical and political support for American military and strategic objectives in Indochina. The leader of Japan's conservative Liberal Democratic Party, Sato Eisaku, and the British Labour Party's Harold Wilson, balanced political support for the United States with significant public pressure at home to eschew any entanglement in the highly unpopular conflict. As junior allies of the United States both Sato and Wilson did not want to see the United States fail in Vietnam or the communist sphere expand in Southeast Asia. Both leaders accrued significant foreign policy advantages as a result of politically and publicly supporting American actions in Vietnam. But to placate domestic electorates that clearly felt uncomfortable over their governments providing explicit, albeit non-military, support to the United States in Vietnam, Sato and Wilson expended substantial prime ministerial diplomacy in attempting to play a mediatory role in the conflict. Each was highly successful in balancing domestic and American demands, whilst maintaining their security partnerships with the United States. 相似文献
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Lester A. Zeager 《国际研究季刊》1998,42(2):367-384
This paper uses a model developed by Brams and Doherty (1993) to examine negotiations among a country of origin, a country of asylum, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in a refugee crisis. A unique feature of the paper is its treatment of the country of asylum as a separate player in the negotiations, which makes the choice to permit or deny settlement in the asylum country endogenous.
The model is applied to two groups of Rwandese refugees: Tutsis living in exile in Burundi for three decades and Hutus in Zaire during the 1990s. The contrasting circumstances surrounding these two refugee crises provide an opportunity to study asylum countries that were sympathetic and unsympathetic, and to model changing attitudes in the country of origin and the international community toward the refugees. For both crises, the predictions of the model are broadly consistent with the unfolding of the negotiation process and the opportunities that eventually became available to the refugees. 相似文献
The model is applied to two groups of Rwandese refugees: Tutsis living in exile in Burundi for three decades and Hutus in Zaire during the 1990s. The contrasting circumstances surrounding these two refugee crises provide an opportunity to study asylum countries that were sympathetic and unsympathetic, and to model changing attitudes in the country of origin and the international community toward the refugees. For both crises, the predictions of the model are broadly consistent with the unfolding of the negotiation process and the opportunities that eventually became available to the refugees. 相似文献