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Universities are subject to profound changes of political management. The article endeavors – from a comparative point of view – to assess to what extent the new managerialism and the new public management respectively have infiltrated governmental strategies and modified existing governance models of higher education. This is done by, first, developing a revised heuristic framework of governance models; second, by assessing the merits and problems of the new managerial governance model in comparison with other governance models; and, third, by using empirical evidence of countries. Political-institutional factors are discussed in order to explain for variations in strategies and success of implementing the new governance model. It is concluded that there are two dangerous paths of future university development: universities have to learn how to avoid either permanent immobilism or becoming mere market-driven organizations with calculate frameworks.  相似文献   

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Reviewed here are contrasting approaches to the same locus of marginalisation: the precariat in the informal sector. In developed and underdeveloped countries alike, neo-liberal economic growth is increasingly dependent on insecure, temporary and low-paid employment. Such laissez faire capitalism demonstrates additionally that – contrary to earlier views about the capitalism/unfreedom link – bonded labour is not an obstacle to accumulation, since the free market currently thrives on an unfree workforce. Because, with the exception of Marxist theory, no opposition to this pattern of economic growth argues for transcending the capitalist system, critiques of its labour regime are unable to formulate an adequate political solution.  相似文献   

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In the context of the ongoing international debate concerning the efficacy or otherwise of the NPT and IAEA in preventing or managing nuclear proliferation, Australia's undertaking to enter a nuclear cooperation agreement with the People's Republic of China (PRC), once identified as a “strategic competitor” of Australia's major alliance partner the United States (US), suggests that Australia's approach to proliferation issues is being re-evaluated. This paper argues, utilising an analysis of the relationship between the evolving US approach to nuclear issues and Australian policy, that the Howard government's evolving approach to nuclear issues can be characterised as an attempt to balance the competing imperatives of maintaining Australia's reputation as a nuclear non-proliferation standard bearer, regional strategic and economic considerations and the weight of the Australia-US alliance.  相似文献   

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余锋 《当代亚太》2011,(4):34-45,33
作为治理国际贸易问题的两种不同属性的规则系统,软法与硬法之间有时候以相互补充和相互协调的关系出现;然而,冲突与对抗也是二者关系的表现形态。在利用软法以软化、修正和改变硬法,进而影响或塑造新的国际贸易利益分配制度框架方面,发达国家和发展中国家均有过成功的实践。当前,国际经济结构正在经历变革,作为负责任的发展中大国,中国可以且应当善用软法,积极有效地参与国际贸易体制的调整与重塑,使国家经济利益在以WTO为中心的国际贸易体制中得到应有和恰当的表达。  相似文献   

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Abstract — Race, long discounted in Andean ethnography as relatively unimportant, is a social fact of great salience in the Andes. This essay introduces the articles in the special issue on race in the Andes with an overview of the interrelated intellectual histories of racism in the Andes, Europe and North America, from colonial proto-racism, to the totalising theories of the 19th century, to the heterogeneous 'neo-racism' found in the Andes today, in which both these earlier ideas and contemporary cultural racisms are at home. It concludes with a discussion of an oppositional ideology found in some indigenous communities, in which race is somatic but not biological in origin.  相似文献   

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Abstract — The racial identities of Indians and mestizos in a highland Peruvian region are closely associated with their relative positions to the earth. The agricultural Indians are closer to the earth and the town-dwelling mestizos are further from it. This distinction is maintained and reinforced through the use of material objects in everyday life, especially earthen objects (adobe bricks, clay pots, dirt roads) and to earth-touching objects (shoes, floors). This distinction accords with the relativity and fluidity of racial identities of individuals. The origins of this notion are traced to political and religious ideology in colonial and post-colonial Peru.  相似文献   

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Strangely, two recent critical political histories of Indigenous affairs — by Gunstone and by Short — reproduce a structure of perception that resembles the characteristic structure of 1950s perception: a sense of outrage at the helplessness of Indigenous Australians in the face of overbearing colonial pressure, eclipsing the narrative presence of the Indigenous political agent. By returning to the work of those political scientists, sociologists and anthropologists who observed the political reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, I suggest that a richer conception of Indigenous and non-Indigenous agency is both possible and necessary. There are three interlocking topics in the writing of Indigenous political history: the changing quality of non-Indigenous engagement; the Indigenous leadership and its historical formation; the differentiated institutional response of the state. The political history of Indigenous Australians should not be reduced to a narrative of the settler colonial state's persistently limited concessions to the Indigenous grievance — important though that theme may be.  相似文献   

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This article discusses the rumour of gold in an indigenous, Andean community. As the rumour circulated, it triggered speculation regarding potential claims to the gold, as well as concerns about how extraction should be managed in order to maintain a good relationship with the animate landscape. Specifically, the rumour tested the previous flexibility of community rules concerning land access, as well as assigning more responsibility to the rotated local leadership position. Rumours offer insights into the social and emotional contexts within which resource extraction takes place, while at the same time playing an important part in shaping these very same contexts.  相似文献   

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Abstract This paper examines the Guatemalan peace process by focusing on different actors in civil society. It considers the peace negotiations between the government/ military and the guerrillas, rather than the realm of electoral procedures, to be the main locus of political transition. Challenging the work of many elite-centred theorists of democratisation who claim that civil society is an ephemeral and largely insignificant actor in transitions, the analysis considers both popular actors and business associations, one of the major‘ uncivil’ actors in Guatemalan civil society, and shows that civil society can have an impact on transitions on multiple levels. In attempting to explain the degree of impact, the paper illustrates the need to examine both the surrounding political opportunity structure and internal factors such as organisation, strategy and leadership.  相似文献   

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PHILLIPS  ARTHUR  DR. 《African affairs》1955,54(217):280-287
The address which follows was given before a joint meeting ofthe Royal African Society and the Royal Empire Society on July22, 1955. The meeting was arranged to coincide with the Commonwealthand Empire Legal Conference, and Colonel Charles Ponson by,T.D., D.L., presided.  相似文献   

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This article studies the networks of intermunicipal cooperation that occur through a process of subnational regionalization. It analyses data from two Regional Communities in the Province of Córdoba, Argentina. The results show that interlocal subjective interdependence and strong relationships between actors, results in greater inter‐municipal cooperation Furthermore, the results of the analysis suggest that interpersonal trust does not necessarily result in institutional coordination. While the local political parties are not a significant variable in this study, geographic distance does seem to play a role in the larger process of intergovernmental coordination.  相似文献   

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