完善教材内容 增加批判视角——对我国现有国际政治经济学教材内容的一些看法与补充

随着我国一些高校国际政治和国际关系专业甚至是更为专门的国际政治经济学专业的设立(北京大学2003年设立了国际政治经济学系),国际政治经济学作为一门专业课,其教学也受到了越来越多的重视.我国的一些专家学者根据教学与研究的需要也已经编著了专门的国际政治经济学著作和教材①.这些著作和教材是目前我国高校仅有的、由我国学者自己编著的几本教学参考用书,因此对我国高校的国际政治经济学教学与研究具有重要的影响和参考价值.但笔者发现这些书也有一个美中不足之处,即没有对批判的国际政治经济学给予相应的重视,有的甚至根本没有提到这一点.笔者认为,无论是从教学还是研究来讲,这都应该引起重视.笔者不惧浅薄,愿根据自己的理解,对批判的国际政治经济学进行梳理,做一简单的介绍,权作引玉之砖,以促进我国的国际政治经济学的教学与研究.     

Nationalist Sources of International Economic Integration

Most scholars of international relations and nationalism presume that nationalist ideology acts uniformly to hinder international economic integration, globalization, and free trade. This article challenges the conventional wisdom by developing an analytical framework of the incentives majority and minority nationalists face in the realm of foreign economic relations. Defining nationalism as the promotion of the autonomy, unity, and identity of the nation, it argues that nationalists have strong possible motivations both for and against close economic ties with foreign nations and states. As a result, oftentimes nationalists must make trade-offs among their goals of autonomy, unity, and identity when developing foreign economic policy preferences. Case studies of nationalist organizations in Quebec, India, and Ukraine that favor a high degree of international economic integration are presented to show the usefulness of the analytical framework.     

Economic Trends and Domestic Debates of Russia

I. The Deep Roots of Economic Fluctuation in Russia
1. Russia＇s economic downturn in the first half of 2013
At a State Duma meeting in September 2013, Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov announced that the Russian economy had grown by 4 percent in the first half of 2013 and was projected to grow by 2.1 percent in the second half of the year. Shortly thereafter, international financial organizations revised their 2013 and 2014 projections for the Russian economy.     

ABSTRACTS Debates over Abecomonics and its Prospects

Abe has introduced new economic ideas to address the domestic economic problems since becoming the Prime Minister, which has brought about a great debate over them in the country. In practice, Abeconomics has achieved initial results, but its future depends on such factors as whether the loose money policy would continue to affect economic growth, the Abe Cabinet would get rid of the long existing structural contradictions and the US would allow the Japanese Yen to remain weak.     

Constitutional Conversations

This is a review essay of Rajeeva Bhargava's Politics and Ethics of the Indian Constitution (5th ed., 2012), Sudhir Krishnaswamy's Democracy and Constitutionalism in India: A Study of the Basic Structure Doctrine (3rd ed., 2012), and Madhav Khosla's The Indian Constitution, Oxford India Short Introductions (2012).     

联合国安理会否决权之争

所谓联合国安理会的否决权,是指表决联合国非程序性事项的决议时,任何一个常任理事国的反对(即否决票)都会使这个议案无法通过的权力。但弃权不被视作是否决。一、联合国安理会否决权来历联合国安理会的否决权起源于二战期间的敦巴顿橡树园会议。在这次会议中,美国总统罗斯福提     

Constitutional Design and Democratic Performance

The article examines the relationship between constitutional design and democratic performance. To do so, it draws on a new data set, containing measures of eight core values of liberal democratic government (accountability, representation, constraint, participation, political rights, civil rights, property rights, minority rights) for 40 country cases over 29 years. It uses pooled cross section time-series regressions to explore the effects of executive-legislative relations, electoral rules and federal-unitary government, while controlling for the contextual conditions of economic wealth, political culture, and the longevity of democratic government itself. The article reviews previous attempts to explore the relationship in order to sharpen the definition of democratic performance, explore key aspects of the research design, and compare the statistical results with the present state of our knowledge. Overall the results tend to support the superior performance of parliamentary over presidential systems, and, in lesser degree, of unitary over federal systems. The performance profiles of proportional representation and plurality electoral systems, on the other hand, appear as distinct but quite evenly matched. But reasons are given for exercising some care with causal inferences, and for applying the results to closer-focus comparative institutional analysis.     

The Dynamics Of Nationalist Terrorism: ETA and the IRA

Nationalist terrorism aspires to independence or greater autonomy for some territory. The combination of territorial claims and armed struggle gives rise to a very definite strategy, violence intended to coerce the State. Nationalist terrorist organizations kill repeatedly with the aim of breaking the will of the State. They engage in a peculiar sort of war of attrition with the State. This paper analyzes comparatively the war of attrition strategy in two organizations, ETA and the IRA. The focus of the paper is on strategy: it examines how ETA and the IRA understood their activity in terms of war of attrition and how they developed their strategy subject to some constraints, such as the moderate preferences of their supporters. I show that popularity constraints account for the high degree of selectivity in their killings. The analysis is based on a combination of historical information, internal documents, and a large data set I have constructed of the killings of these two organizations.     

党派争端与美国对外政策

美国政治制度的核心是两党制.民主、共和两党往往假国家利益之名,从各自狭隘观点出发,肆意歪曲事实,以维护本党派的政治利益,在对华关系问题上,表现尤为明显.两党争斗、相互牵制,制约着美国的对外政策走向.但党派纷争也能使美国公众得以借助政党势力影响外交决策.     

Uneven Ground: Nationalist Frames and the Variable Salience of Homeland

When are domestic publics most sympathetic to nationalist territorial ambitions? Conflict scholars commonly assume support should be greatest when territory is framed as being of intangible value to national identity over tangible importance to national security and economic prosperity. This should be especially true regarding lost homelands, territories wherein a state has previously exercised sovereignty and to which it has enduring ethnic ties. This article presents experimental evidence that directly challenges these assumptions, demonstrating the variability of Serbian popular attachments to three lost territories: Kosovo, Bosnia, and Montenegro. It finds that intangible framings do not necessarily engender stronger assertions that such territories belong to the homeland than tangible framings do. Nor do they necessarily motivate greater support for nationalist territorial agendas. These findings cast doubt on conventional wisdom regarding domestic publics' contributions to territorial conflict and offer refined insights regarding in which instances intangible claims are most conflict-prone.     

Visions of (In)Security and American Strategic Style

This essay was stimulated (provoked) by discussions in three separate venues: (1) a U.S. Naval War College conference on Alternative Futures in War and Conflict: Implications for U.S. National Security, held in late 1999; (2) several recent widely circulated blue-ribbon reports on the subject; and (3) recent papers emerging from the U.S. defense bureaucracy speculating on strategic visions of the next ten to twenty years. My contention is that the prevailing official and quasi-official debate exhibits excessive and overly definitive emphases on: (1) particular facets of insecurity; (2) attributions to the U.S. of benign intent and capacity; and (3) assumptions that most others share that interpretation of our words and deeds. There also tends to be unwarranted neglect of representation and standing issues which discriminate for and against different policy perspectives and forms of program expertise. A plea is offered for an alternative approach based on what we know about how persons, organizations, and communities can best position themselves for (in)security futures.     

巴基斯坦宪政改革及其影响

2010年4月,巴基斯坦《宪法第18修正案》经国民议会和参议院一致投票通过及总统扎尔达里签署后正式生效。此次修宪涉及巴基斯坦国家权力架构和社会主要关系等重大问题,是其国家机器重构的重要步骤,为巴基斯坦未来的民主宪政框架奠定基础。目前,巴基斯坦处于权力转移、体制转型的调整期,宪政改革对其社会政治发展提出新的机遇和挑战,也将给地区形势发展特别是美国的阿富汗战争带来影响。     

俄罗斯宪法法院与人权保障

在当代的俄罗斯,宪法法院在人权保障方面所发挥的作用是不可替代的.国家与个人关系的重构为宪法法院保障人权奠定了基础.宪法诉愿是公民启动宪法诉讼程序的制度依据,而对社会经济权利的关注则是当下俄罗斯宪法法院保障人权的鲜明特征.