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1.
冲突是政治社会中不可避免的现象,政治与冲突有着不可分割的内在联系。因此,如何在冲突中寻求稳定与和谐构成政治生活的主题。而构建有效的政治冲突调控机制就成为政治体系的关键。  相似文献   

2.
政治源于冲突,冲突是政治生活的内在属性,政治与冲突有着不可分割的内在联系。无论是从人类社会历史的发展进程,还是从具体政治系统运行过程来看,冲突都是政治生活中不可避免的现象,冲突与政治如影相随。因此,和谐社会并非是没有冲突的社会,它是成功实现从冲突到秩序转化的社会。  相似文献   

3.
在广大后发国家的政治发展过程中,民主与效能往往鱼和熊掌不可兼得。实行民主,就有可能损害政府的效能;提高政府的效能,又可能需要压制民主。这种冲突根源干发展中国家在其政治发展过程所不可避免的三大矛盾:合法性与有效性的冲突、理想与现实的落差及政治与经济的失衡。  相似文献   

4.
政治冲突是人类政治生活中固有的普遍现象。现代化意味着利益的重新分配与调整,将不可避免孕育政治冲突的产生。政治冲突具有不同的类型和功能。不同类型和强度的政治冲突对现代化将产生不同的价值与功能,既构成对政治体系的强大压力,又是实现政治系统动态平衡与稳定的重要动力,推动现代化的进程。  相似文献   

5.
中国共产党政党文化的生存机理分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中国共产党的政党文化是在政治冲突和政治整合中形成的.中国共产党是在中国沦为半殖民地半封建社会的状况下,在中华民族与西方帝国主义的矛盾斗争中诞生的,这种政治冲突的客观环境是中国共产党政党文化产生的动力源泉.同时,党际冲突和党内冲突也为政党文化的生成和发展提供了重要的内容和动力.政党是政治整合的工具,在中国,共产党在政治整合结构中居于核心地位,在政治整合的过程中,中共将不同地域、社会群体以及不同阶层的观念进行协调和统一,把各种观念和诉求尽可能地纳入到了政党结构之中,从而使整合的过程也变成政党自身文化丰富和发展的过程.  相似文献   

6.
《行政论坛》2017,(2):12-19
政治是对人们之间冲突的解决。一个理想的社会是不存在冲突的社会,但当冲突不可避免时,政治文明的进步就表现为不断寻求更公平的冲突解决方式。在现代条件下,这就表现为建立和完善集体决策的政治与协议的政治。同时,虽然在某些时候我们的行动可以不考虑公平的要求,但这些行动必须以将我们与冲突者的关系重新纳入公平框架之中为目的。公平意味着冲突中的各方不能自行充当其他人的裁决者,而必须让制度来裁决他们间的冲突,集体决策的政治与协议的政治就是建立这种制度的两种方式。  相似文献   

7.
黄毅峰 《行政论坛》2011,18(5):16-21
冲突是政治社会中不可避免的现象,政治与冲突有着不可分割的内在联系。因此,如何在冲突中寻求稳定与和谐构成政治生活的主题。而构建有效的政治冲突调控机制就成为政治体系的关键。一个有效的政治冲突调控机制应该以动态的政治稳定作为目标定位,以民主政治理念作为价值基石,以制度化运行机制作为路径选择。唯有这样,国家的长治久安才有希望得以实现与维系。  相似文献   

8.
冲突是政治的源泉,妥协则是政治的灵魂。政治妥协是解决社会冲突、引导多元利益主体互利共存的一种基本政治策略和理性选择。在当前我国社会快速转型的关键时期,积极培育公众的政治妥协意识,营造一种宽容和谐的人文精神,不仅有利于维护社会的多元性和丰富性,在民主的基础上推进不同利益主体之间的可行性合作,更是化解社会冲突、推动社会实现多元一致所必需的公共理性。  相似文献   

9.
李亚欧  欧娜 《学理论》2010,(5):13-14
20个世纪90年代美国学者亨廷顿提出了文明冲突的理论,指出未来世界的国际冲突的根源将主要是文化的而不是意识形态的或经济的,全球政治的主要冲突将在不同文明的国家和集团之间进行,文明的冲突将主宰全球政治。当今世界的状况不言而喻会对中国崛起的成败产生影响。体会理解亨氏理论,对于中国谋求发展有着重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

10.
政治决策冲突是萨托利冲突理论的重要组成部分。对这个问题的研究填补了冲突政治学理论体系的空白,开辟了一个崭新的研究视角。萨托利认为研究政治决策冲突问题必然要涉及外部政治风险、决策成本、决策体制、多数原则、选择强度、政治透明度等问题,而这些因素同时也都是政治冲突理论的基本问题,搞清楚这些冲突与这些因素之间的互动关系,对于深化对政治冲突理论的理解具有重要价值。不仅对萨托利的相关研究成果进行了全面总结,更主要的是通过对这一理论的深入和系统的分析使其更趋完善,使其明确化、理论化、体系化。  相似文献   

11.
郭啸 《学理论》2012,(12):53-55
组织总是不断面对各种矛盾与冲突。组织的沟通不畅、架构不合理、成员的差异和组织资源的不足,都可造成冲突。组织冲突的管理水平关系着组织内部的和谐与稳定。冲突问题处理不当,直接影响组织目标的实现甚至威胁组织的生存和发展。必须认识到冲突具有正反两方面的作用,管理者应运用合理的管理策略将破坏性冲突转化为建设性冲突,使组织能够不断自我反省,不断创新与进步。文章通过分析、探讨组织冲突的类型和原因以及相关管理对策,为组织冲突管理的研究探索新的思路。  相似文献   

12.
《West European politics》2013,36(3):105-124
This article investigates farm conflict in France from 1958 to the present in relation to the dynamics of Europeanisation. The framework emphasises how institutions shape farm conflict by mediating market forces, structuring the political opportunities of contending groups and shaping their world views. The analysis investigates the relationship between institutional politics and contentious politics at three junctures of the development of the CAP: its formation (1958-69), consolidation (1970-87), and reform (1988 to present). The findings suggest that European institutions have played a significant role in the production and transformation of farm conflict in France.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

The news media’s ability to mobilise citizens to participate politically by emphasising elite conflict in politics is not well understood. This article argues that citizens may gain knowledge when exposed to conflict news framing. It further theorises that whether they translate their knowledge into political participation is conditioned by their orientation towards conflict. Individuals who avoid conflict participate less frequently than individuals who do not. The proposed moderated mediation process was tested using a content analysis of news media coverage and a three-wave panel survey (n?=?2,061). Results show that the effect of exposure to conflict news framing on (changes in) political participation is positively mediated by knowledge. This mediation effect is moderated by conflict avoidance, where the effect is more positive among conflict non-avoiders than conflict avoiders. This study shows that understanding the news media’s mobilising effect on political participation requires attention to both news content and individual motivational factors.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

After its hard-won independence in 2011, South Sudan slid quickly into violent conflict and became a theatre of enormous human suffering. This article attempts to answer the question of what went wrong, and what prospects exist for South Sudanese to forge a resilient social contract to build and sustain peace. It employs an analytical framework postulating three drivers of such a contract, at the heart of which is how core issues of conflict that underpin violent conflict and fragility have been addressed. The research findings underscore that the way the ruling elites managed the transition to statehood, the development of exclusive weak institutions, and frail social cohesion have all served to undermine peace and the development of a resilient social contract. Core issues of conflict have not been addressed, witnessed by the eruption of civil war in 2013. While the 2015 Peace Agreement provides, at least on paper, the basis for forging a new social contract that holds promise for sustaining peace, building inclusive institutions and nurturing social cohesion, its realization requires political will, strategic leadership, and a national vision, which are currently in short supply.  相似文献   

15.
In December 2007, Northern Ireland's newly elected First and Deputy First Ministers, Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness, were pictured sitting happily together on a read leather sofa at the new IKEA superstore in Belfast. It was an image that served as a powerful symbol of the region's political transformation and economic optimism. Yet, within months of this photo opportunity, global financial crisis and economic recession shattered hopes that a meaningful, economic ‘peace dividend’ would underpin the new political dispensation. This article takes a critical look at the media's role in conflict transformation in Northern Ireland; how they projected new and more positive images of life in the region and chronicled the daily business of ‘bread and butter politics’. However, it also identifies chronic decline among some sections of the regional media, particularly Belfast's daily newspapers, just when they are needed to monitor and debate political decision‐making in a time of austerity.  相似文献   

16.
Applying a feminist political economy analysis of the Kachin military movement, this article will be mapping women's involvement in the armed uprising since the outbreak of the conflict in 1961, demonstrating the centrality of gender relations for the war. Using primary data, this article will show how the household provides essential support to the Kachin war effort in the shape of emotional, physical and material labour, thus underscoring the critical role played by women in maintaining the conflict. Examining the relationship between narratives of gendered insecurity in the community and notions of militarized duty, this article will argue that the Kachin armed forces have employed gendered notions of security and duty to legitimize and sustain the conflict. The importance of normative gender relations for providing labour and emotional and material support for the conflict will then be examined, showing how the household is situated as the nucleus of the armed revolution. The findings in this article thus reveal a need to take into account the relationship between the household and the armed conflict, arguing that the household is a site inseparably linked to nationalistic objectives, underpinning the economic and ideological structures of military movements. Interventions aiming at resolving the conflict in Kachin must therefore consider the importance of gender relations in upholding the political-economy infrastructure of the military movement.  相似文献   

17.
Partisan conflicts have been frequently analysed in comparative political science research. Yet little is known about the dimensions of political conflict at the local level in multi-level democracies. This article contributes to the literature on the estimation and analysis of party positions by first presenting a new dataset of more than 800 local party manifestos in Germany that allows for a systematic analysis of the dimensions of political conflict at the German local level. Secondly, it is demonstrated that (semi-)automatic content analysis of these texts offers a promising approach for gaining new insights into local party positions. Thirdly, the empirical analysis of German local party manifestos shows that partisan conflicts are not only structured along the left–right dimension but also along a dimension which distinguishes between parties addressing ‘local’ and ‘national’ issues to a varying degree in their manifestos, due to the different behaviour of established and populist parties.  相似文献   

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