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1.
通过对比“科技进步”、“科技发展”和“科技革命”界定科技进步的理论内含,并进一步通过研究科技进步发展的三个历史阶段,揭示科学技术关系变化过程,并由此引出科学技术进步理论中暗含的社会和谐观念:即人与科学技术改变的社会环境及生活方式的和谐、科学技术发展与人们不断提高的道德水平的和谐、以及对科学技术进步引发闲暇时间的充分利用与有效控制的和谐。并指出苏联科学技术进步的人道主义标准。  相似文献   

2.
全球化对中国的影响是巨大的, 它改变了中国人的经济、政治生活和精神文化生活, 加快了中国社 会精神文化的发展。全球化在促进中国公民社会的形成和壮大时, 也推动中国社会民主政治文化的发展, 提升了 中国社会道德水平和道德风貌, 培育了中国公民的自主精神和文化素质。近年来中国政府在社会主义精神文化建 设方面采取了有效措施:加强道德教育, 培育健全的道德文化;加强公务员的培训和廉政教育, 推广廉政文化;加强 网络文化建设和管理, 发挥互联网在社会主义文化建设中的重要作用, 促进全民族的思想道德素质和科学文化素 质的提高;加强与世界各国的合作, 传播中华文化  相似文献   

3.
传统宗教在非洲信仰体系中的地位   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
传统宗教在非洲信仰体系中地位的变化是由多种因素造成的.如果说殖民化因素改变了非洲宗教信仰的格局,那么现代化因素则对之产生了更加广泛而持久的影响.传统宗教是动态的,它会随着社会环境的变化而变化,其适应能力和创新能力不容置疑.在社会、经济和文化尚欠发达的现阶段,传统宗教仍在非洲保持独特的地位,影响着非洲人的思维方式和行为规范,并将继续在非洲国家的社会生活和政治生活中起到潜移默化的作用.原因在于,传统宗教不仅与非洲的道德伦理、生活习俗密切相关,而且为当代非洲社会提供了哲学上的基础,成为非洲人探讨人与自然、社会、神灵关系及其和谐相处的工具.  相似文献   

4.
伊斯兰世界主义思想是一种具有很强人文主义倾向的思想体系,其价值理念包括了伊斯兰文明中的人类兄弟平等关系、和平观念、普适的正义观念、个人尊严观念、宗教自由和宽容观念等。古代伊斯兰文明的世界主义思想从古兰经教义出发对伊斯兰文明的理想社会模式进行了探索。近现代的伊斯兰世界主义思想重申了个体价值中的公正和正义原则,并提倡个人道德和友爱精神,以维护和平、实现人类大同,建立铲除人间不平等、公正与幸福的"世界新秩序"和"正义王国"。  相似文献   

5.
非洲群体意识的内涵及其表现形式   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
群体意识或共同体意识在非洲传统道德伦理中始终居于至高无上的地位,并且构成了宗教哲学的本质内涵.非洲人的群体意识或共同体意识反映在社会形态、社会结构、社会关系等诸多层面,其内涵可以用一统、和谐、互助、分享等加以概述.非洲人的群体意识还反映在赡养老人、抚育幼儿、婚姻习俗及日常生活方面,且体现在传统的伦理道德、艺术美学和司法制度中.它与自身所处的生产和生活环境相适应,只要大家庭继续扮演着"保险公司"的社会角色,那么以大家庭、亲属关系和村社制度著称的传统社会结构与社会关系就不会真正瓦解;那么作为其观念形态的群体意识也依然具有生命力.  相似文献   

6.
以宣扬神秘主义和信仰主义为主旨的俄罗斯传统宗教哲学所以受到九十年代俄罗斯人的青睐,在于它在揭示东正教信条的内涵中,渗透着强烈的个体精神自由、精神神圣感、人道主义气息,从而在一定程度上适应和反映着当代俄罗斯人反叛信仰专制,追求人生价值和道德价值,渴望和谐人际关系和良好社会秩序,以及寻求恰当发挥道德功能的方式途径的心理。  相似文献   

7.
经济转型与社会公平的悖论——来自俄罗斯的启示   总被引:5,自引:2,他引:3  
经济转型的基本目标是为了提高效率,确保社会公正,然而在转型经济国家中几乎无一例外地存在转型与社会公平失衡的现象.虽然俄罗斯经济转型的目标预期、起点以及某些举措并没有完全违背公平原则,但却应验了"转型与社会公平不可能同时实现"的悖论.俄罗斯的"权力资本家"通过主导经济转型政策的供给,利用制约"权力市场化" 制度的缺失和其他利益主体在经济转型博弈中的弱势,形成自我加强和自我循环的"有权势者通赢"的畸形制度,严重地影响了经济转型与社会公平的和谐结合.实现"物本经济"向"人本经济"的转型,建立不同群体的平等诉求、平等博弈、互惠互利的利益分配机制,防范利益集团的"掠夺之手",是保证经济转型和社会公正和谐结合的重要条件.  相似文献   

8.
本文探讨印度教的宽容理念、实践困境及其超越问题。作者认为,印度教的宽容是一种多元的宽容,亦是一种绝妙的宗教学说。但是,在印度的社会实践中,印度教的宽容理念却面临着诸多问题,它既在与其他宗教的对话中面临困境,也在自身的实践中面临障碍。因此,超越印度教的宽容而致力于多元宗教的平等与和谐,可望成为印度社会的努力方向。  相似文献   

9.
论东正教与俄罗斯村社文化的亲和性   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
东正教传入俄罗斯并广泛融入整个社会,并非一个简单的过程,尤其是要跨过村社这一关,这就更需要东正教和村社文化有契合以及亲和的地方。长期生活在农村公社中的农民所具有的那种村社精神,如“沙皇是公社之父”的观念,农民彼此之间亲如兄弟、人人都为大家的集体主义的道德习俗,同情他人的贫困与不幸、相互关心和帮助的人道主义等“农民社会主义”因素和东正教伦理构成了一种共同性和亲和性。  相似文献   

10.
和谐世界代表了人类的美好理想,适应了时代潮流和人类社会未来的发展方向,否定了"强权即是公理"的霸权逻辑,主张通过民主协商、互利共赢、平等协作、求同存异的方式推动人类社会向和平繁荣的方向发展.和谐世界理论具有丰富而全面的内涵.这一理论也成为处理中国与世界关系的重要指导原则,我们要努力实现不同国家间经济、政治、安全、文明的和谐发展,建设民主、公正、和睦、包容的世界,从而实现"建设持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界"的总体目标.  相似文献   

11.
The democratization literature commonly claims that democratic transitions require an independent civil society. However this view, which builds upon Tocqueville, reifies boundaries between state and society. It also over-predicts the likelihood that independent civil society organizations will engage in confrontation with the government. Drawing upon Hegel, I develop a two-dimensional model of civil society that clusters organizations according to goal orientation and autonomy. This illustrates how high levels of autonomy combined with goals that extend beyond an internal constituency are linked to democratization. I then examine Nigeria's civil society during the era of democratization between 1985 and 1998, and identify important changes in the political opportunity structure. I attribute changes in autonomy and goal orientation of organizations to three factors: transnational organizing, coalition building, and victimization. My findings question the assumption that autonomous organizations will challenge the state. Future research could explore links between the state mobilization during the 1990s and one-party dominance today.  相似文献   

12.
本文通过社会学的角度对东南亚中产阶级存在现状进行分析考察,认为伴随着东南亚国家经济的迅速发展,这些国家的社会结构也发生了极大的变化,主要表现为中产阶级力量的发展壮大,这一变化促进了东南亚国家市民社会的发展。他们逐渐在政治上具有了一定的表现要求和能力,要求社会更加民主化。现阶段主要表现为各种非政府组织(NGO)崛起,这推动了社会民主化进程向更高层次发展,但是由于东南亚中产阶级力量弱小和自身局限以及政府、传统政治文化影响,决定了东南亚国家民主化发展进程将是一个长期、渐进的发展历程。  相似文献   

13.
Civil society is generally seen as an important actor in peace processes. But when it comes to reaching an agreement during peace negotiations, much of the current debate is centered on the question of including or excluding civil society. Although most researchers argue that civil society participation makes the process more sustainable and democratic, most practitioners emphasize that enhanced civil society participation makes it more difficult to reach a peace agreement. I argue that practitioners and theorists must both move beyond this dichotomy and, instead, focus on the variety of ways in which civil society actors can be included in a given negotiation process. To this end, I present in this article a comprehensive overview of nine models of inclusion, from most to least direct involvement of civil society, supported by illustrative case studies. Analysis of these models suggests that it will be possible to broaden the participation of civil society in peace negotiations without decreasing the negotiations' effectiveness.  相似文献   

14.
普京当选总统意味着俄罗斯社会发展可能进入了一个新阶段.这个阶段将以整顿和调整为核心内容,以稳定和发展为目标.普京实行新政可能使俄罗斯社会的发展出现不同于叶利钦时期的某些特征,这种差异的积累和效应将使俄罗斯社会政治经济出现某些非叶利钦化趋向.  相似文献   

15.
International organisations and non-governmental organisations involved in peacebuilding often form networks with one another and transplant themselves into war-torn territories with divided communities, weak governments, and little trust between the public and the government. This study examines how this network mechanism of governance orchestrated by international actors can have a political effect on the institutional development of the post-conflict state. The article argues that, superiority in mobilising resources and organisational flexibility notwithstanding, networks pose unique challenges to peacebuilding initiatives: because of the diversity of their members, networks tend to link up to various sectors within the post-conflict entity, thereby perpetuating often pre-existing schisms between the post-conflict government and the society. The study cautions that networks can be prone to parochial political influences from local and international actors, thereby fragmenting the state and the society in a given post-conflict country. But it also highlights that networks can effectively mobilise resources while maintaining political autonomy and independence from their donors, elites from the post-conflict state and the grassroots communities. The enhanced political autonomy is a measure of enhanced problem solving and bureaucratic prowess of the network, which is associated with networks with particular institutional attributes, discussed in the paper.  相似文献   

16.
加入世界贸易组织 ,必将对中国经济社会发展产生重大影响 ,促使所有制结构、就业结构、产业结构以及整个社会结构发生变化。而社会保障作为一种有效地处理特定社会问题的制度手段 ,是与特定的经济社会状况紧密联系在一起的 ,当经济社会状况发生变化时 ,社会保障必然要作出积极的回应。因此 ,中国加入世界贸易组织必将对社会保障制度造成影响 ,甚至是冲击。而应对冲击的办法只能是深化社会保障改革 ,包括扩大社会保障覆盖面、提高社会保险的统筹层次、降低企业的社会保险缴费比率、增强失业保险的功能等。  相似文献   

17.
儒家仁爱思想在新加坡构建和谐社会中的作用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
伴随着新加坡经济的腾飞,儒家学说尤其是仁爱思想日益凸显了其独有的价值和意义。在以社会高于个人,家庭是社会的核心为基本价值观的新加坡很好地诠释了儒家的仁爱思想。本文试从三个方面来阐释儒家仁爱思想与新加坡现代和谐社会的发展,以期对今天构建社会主义和谐文化有启示和借鉴意义。  相似文献   

18.
《Orbis》2018,62(2):168-183
The role played by the rule of law is crucial to a liberal democracy because it demarcates a central area of authority which separates civil society from the state, thus ensuring that the state will not over-reach and subjugate civil society, nor that civil society will recklessly pursue anarchy and plunge the regime into chaos. One of the prime examples of maintaining the rule of law lies in the presidency of Abraham Lincoln, who enforced the boundaries which restrained both the state and civil society under circumstances of the most extreme stress, namely, a civil war. Lincoln rebuffed secession as a species of anarchy, but he also restrained (though not without some mis-steps) the state from becoming oppressive, even as he successfully navigated the nation to reunion and restoration.  相似文献   

19.
Attending to mundane bureaucratic politics can highlight forms of everyday structural violence. This article draws attention to the spousal visa law in the UK. On the surface, this law does violence to family life, forcing indefinite separation. However, this law is also symbolic of some of the main structural violence in society that cross-cut gender, race, ethnicity, socio-economic class, age, education level and profession, thus making tangible some of the intangible borders in society. Through the vehicle of this law we will consider how structural violence can operate as an everyday terror, disrupting the boundaries of public and private life.  相似文献   

20.
In this article I seek to develop a case for viewing the welfare state as a primary institution in international society. This is with particular reference to Norden (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden), where in the course of the 1930s, and particularly in the post-1945 era, the welfare state was elevated to a core principle of legitimacy, largely defining the idea of nationhood for these countries. Furthermore, I will attempt to show how the adoption of this principle of legitimacy conditioned the Nordic countries’ interpretation of a number of other primary institutions in international society such as diplomacy, war and trade. A key contribution of this approach is that it aspires not only to examine the evolution of one institution in isolation, as has often been attempted in English School scholarship, but to actively explore how institutions interact with each other.  相似文献   

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