强化“思想传播”意识 加强经常性思想工作

传播学认为,人类社会的所有活动都是信息的传播过程。人的思想作为一种精神现象,也是一种特定的信息,遵从人类社会一般信息传播的规律。有学者指出“:所谓传播,就是精神现象转换为符号并在一定的距离空间得到搬运,经过一定的时间得到保存的手段。”从这个意义来讲,     

"唯一者的人"该死了与"有个性的人"要活着--与后现代人文精神对话

福科宣布 :人死了。这不是既定事实之判断 ,而是应然价值之判断 ,说的是唯一者的人该死了。关于福科的“该死的人” ,作为一种后现代人文精神 ,从西方传到国内 ,惊讶之余该是沉静的反思。信息时代活蹦乱跳的人怎么就该死了 ?但这“人死了”恰恰就是“后现代”主流话语中的最核心的价值判断。“后现代主义”并非是一个统一的“流派”和“主义” ,它大体是西方思想家反思现代资本社会、现代工业文明和当代信息浪潮所存在的林林总总的问题而播撒下的形形色色的文化创意 ,如果说有统一之处那就是对“现代”的反思和超越 ,其主流性话语则是反人类…     

数字时代意识形态话语权的要素构成与提升路径

人类社会全面迈进数字时代,数字技术的发展深刻改变了话语传播业态和社会价值意识,具有明显的意识形态属性。数字时代意识形态话语权的构成要素包括数字空间的议题设置权、数字叙事的文化阐释权、数字传播的舆论引导权,意识形态话语权提升面临主体肢解悬置、内容形态迁演、载体泛在交互、场域生态失衡等现实困境,可以通过话语体系数字融合、话语系统数字赋能、话语机制数字转型等三维实现达到话语权提升的最终目的。     

人乎,神乎,亦人亦神——人神共体的木兰形象

木兰形象存在于三种话语系统中：文学作品、方志碑刻和民间传说。这是一个亦入亦神的形象。口传形态的木兰形象，生动活泼，富于生气，带有浓厚的民间气息；而文学作品、方志碑刻中的木兰则成了封建意识形态的符号。同时木兰在民间话语中还被塑造成了“神”，入神共体的木兰形象的形成和存在是文化流变和文化空间的分割造成的，也有中国文化自身的深层次原因。     

习近平海外署名文章话语体系建构的三重维度

利用好外国主流媒体等平台和渠道发声是创新对外宣传方式、加强国际话语体系建构的重要手段。全面分析习近平在海外发表的署名文章对如何应用外国主流媒体向国际社会讲述中国故事、传播中国声音、分享中国智慧有重要的引领作用和指导意义。在海外署名文章中，习近平围绕“谈贡献、求和平、谋发展、促合作、叙友好”等方面创设话语议题，借助多层次话语视角切入、多维度话语表达、多元化的话语符号使用等话语表达方式，不断提升我国的国际话语权，展示中国形象、推动构建新型国际关系、高举人类命运共同体大旗，为我国改革发展稳定营造有利外部舆论环境。     

图像文化与惰性接纳方式

图像在远古时代就已经产生了，在符号和文字产生之前，人类主要依靠声音、手势和物体变形来传播简单的信息和交流感情。图像是人们认知的一种符号工具，它的具象性是与原始人的具体、直接、直观的接受方式同一的。同时，图像的特点也使人类形成了最初的认知心理结构和图像思维。随着人类历史的向前发展，原始图像向着两个方向发展：一个方向是成为图画艺术，另一个方向是成为文字。     

信息窄化与话语优化:思想政治教育话语发展的再思考北大核心

信息窄化是信息过载重压下“媒体—算法—用户”循环和“需求—搜寻—满足”闭环的产物。作为信息技术迭代和传播格局嬗变后海量信息差异化供给及选择的结果,信息窄化引发的思想政治教育话语发展隐忧也逐渐显现。其负效应——“信息偏食”“信息投喂”“信息圈层”和“信息裹挟”在限制话语主体思维和行为的同时阻隔着思想政治教育话语的传播与构建。因此,如何突破信息窄化重围成为思想政治教育面临的新课题。思想政治教育需从话语优化角度予以辩证思考和科学应对,在坚持话语权的一元主导与多样共生中把控话语场域,在注重话语内容的再生产与再完善中保证有效供给,在增强话语方式的交互性与启发性中促进多向互动,在推动话语空间面向时代与回归实践中实现持续转向。     

计算机文化及影响探析

计算机及相关技术的普及和应用产生广泛而深刻的影响,从不同角度和方面使人们意识到这种影响已超越了纯技术的层面,成为一种文化现象,体现了一种文化价值属性。计算机文化是人类社会进步到现代出现的新文化形态,包括物质、精神、语言符号和制度等要素,对文化、技术、生活方式和人类认知等方面产生着积极和消极的影响。     

论中介－－兼论其对于人类活动的不可或缺性

处于主客体之间并且不断体现和延伸主体需要的中介,是一种相对独立的形态。中介形式作为人影响世界的物质手段、精神手段,作为人感知世界的桥梁,在人类活动中占有着十分重要的地位。在意识的产生和发展中,在人类对各种价值的理解、阐释以及创造性的活动和社会信息的传播过程中,各种中介形式的出现,表明着人类能动性的增长,表明着社会明的进步,并且也体现着一种人类活动要遵从于自然法规的必然性。在社会实践中,人类借助中介来探索和把握世界,同时,人类对中介领域的探索更是无止境的。     

话语转换视域下高校推进马克思主义大众化研究

话语转换是语言艺术的一种表现形式。在马克思主义大众化推进过程中,实现话语转换,即把学术话语转换为大众易于接受的、富有亲和力的话语,对马克思主义理论的传播效果起着非常重要的作用。大学是人才培养的"摇篮",高校的马克思主义理论传播在马克思主义大众化中占有重要地位,在大学生中实现大众化,对马克思主义的大众化有着主导作用。     

Insurgent informality: the struggle over space production between the Israeli state and its Palestinian Bedouin communities

This article addresses the political and spatial agenda of the people of informalities. It conceptualizes insurgent informality as a discursive social reality, which is based on the struggle between the state hegemonic discourse regarding informal spaces and modes of space production and the countering-hegemonic discourse of communities. Based on empirical case, this paper interrogates the discourses of Israel and the its Arab communities regarding informal spaces. The analysis suggests that the state hegemonic discourse is articulated through three interrelated logics of difference, threat and spatiality. The countering discourse challenges the hegemonic discourse through its logic of justice, recognition, and protest.     

Immigration,society and modalities of citizenship in Singapore

In this article, I argue that three modalities of citizenship are at play in Singapore: liberal, communal and social. Using a grounded theoretical approach, I highlight the instances in which these modes of conceptualizing citizenship appear in discourse, practice and policy. While past scholarship has highlighted the contrast between liberal and communal modes of citizenship, the social mode has been largely subsumed and obscured within the rubric of communal (or communitarian) democracy and ethno-nationalist citizenship. The article analyzes the interplay among these three modes of citizenship as they played out in the discourse surrounding the 2011 General Election in Singapore. The tension between citizens and noncitizens has become a central political issue in Singapore. Less recognized, but highlighted in my analysis, liberal and communal senses of citizenship are in tension not only with each other but also with a notion of the social based on relationships of mutual benefit and obligation rather than communal, categorical belonging. Drawing on Robert Esposito's critique of modern ideas of community and (re)theorization of communitas, I argue that in the case of Singapore and elsewhere, reintroducing a notion of the social (as distinct from the communal) holds potential for discourses, practices and policies that can transcend the divisiveness associated with communalism and the socioeconomic inequalities associated with liberalism.     

Protest,memory, and the production of ‘civilized’ citizens: two cases from Turkey and Lebanon

This article studies the proliferation of discourses of rationality and responsibility among a particular elite social group in Lebanon and Turkey, as they remember student mobilization of their past. I offer these episodes of student mobilization as acts of citizenship that create and make use of rapturous moments in the histories of their countries and institutions. I extend these acts of citizenship to the contemporary context and study the ways in which they become part of discourses of citizenship in unexpected ways. I propose that these narratives draw upon a set of local practices that reflect meanings of citizenship, originating from Western discourses of liberalism, albeit following a different route. In the narratives, violence and irrationality become the defining features of politicized behavior, whereas being civilized epitomizes good manners and rationality. Such boundary-drawing exercises contribute to making conceivable exclusionary social orders based on the idea of a hierarchical distribution of reason and social utility.     

马克思恩格斯生态环境观的当代价值

马克思恩格斯的生态环境观认为人类是自然界的存在物,具有自然属性;同时人类又是有意识、有目的、能动的社会存在物,具有社会属性。马克思恩格斯的生态环境观向人们提供了一条认识问题解决问题的基本线索,为当今人类走出生存困境、摆脱危机指明了正确方向。要想使人类社会和谐持续发展必须尊重和掌握自然规律,建立把现代的发展与将来发展结合起来的发展观。     

Postmodernism the Movie

Postmodern cinema, in its various expressions over the past three decades, represents a form of popular culture characteristic of the post-Fordist, globalized phase of capitalist development most visible in the United States. As a crucial dimension of media culture with its strong emphasis on new modes of technology, commodification, consumerism, and the society of the spectacle, filmmaking today celebrates increasingly diverse, experimental, and in some cases subversive types of aesthetic representation. It often questions established social hierarchies and discourses while at the same time depicting a society in the midst of turmoil, chaos, fragmentation, and violence - a social order that gives rise to and sustains a popular mood of anxiety, cynicism, and powerlessness. Postmodern cinema reflects and helps reproduce this milieu through its embrace of disjointed narratives, dystopic images, technological wizardry, and motifs dwelling upon mayhem, ambiguity, death of the classical hero, and breakdown of dominant values or social relations. While such film culture calls into question certain dimensions of the class and power structures, it simultaneously negates prospects for collective identity and subjectivity required for effective social change; its cultural radicalism is never translated into anything resembling political radicalism. On the contrary, postmodern cinema more than anything encourages a flight from politics - a cynical, detached, disempowering attitude toward the entire public sphere - typical of an increasingly depoliticized society.     

A Three‐Stage Adoption Process for Social Media Use in Government

Social media applications are slowly diffusing across all levels of government. The organizational dynamics underlying adoption and use decisions follow a process similar to that for previous waves of new information and communication technologies. The authors suggest that the organizational diffusion of these types of new information and communication technologies, initially aimed at individual use and available through markets, including social media applications, follows a three‐stage process. First, agencies experiment informally with social media outside of accepted technology use policies. Next, order evolves from the first chaotic stage as government organizations recognize the need to draft norms and regulations. Finally, organizational institutions evolve that clearly outline appropriate behavior, types of interactions, and new modes of communication that subsequently are formalized in social media strategies and policies. For each of the stages, the authors provide examples and a set of propositions to guide future research.     

Why the democratic nation-state is still legitimate: A study of media discourses

Focusing on media discourses, this article maps the communicative reproduction of legitimacy in Great Britain, the United States, Germany and Switzerland. It argues that political communication constitutes a distinctive dimension of legitimation that should be studied alongside public opinion and political behaviour. Research on legitimation discourses can help us understand why the legitimacy of established democracies remains stable in spite of the challenges of globalisation: Delegitimating communication tends to focus on relatively marginal political institutions, while the core regime principles of the democratic nation-state, which are deeply entrenched in the political cultures of Western countries, serve as anchors of legitimacy. These democratic principles also shape the normative benchmarks used to evaluate legitimacy, thus preventing a 'de-democratisation' of legitimation discourses. Finally, the short-lived nature of media interest as well as ritualistic legitimation practices shield the democratic nation-state from many potentially serious threats to its legitimacy.     

Popular discourse and the ethical deficiency of ‘Third Way’ conceptions of citizenship

The article is in three parts. The first explores the connections and commonalities between different empirical investigations relating to popular discourses of citizenship and argues that these are constituted through the complex combination of overlapping discursive moral repertoires. The second part considers the discursive moral repertoires that constitute discourses of citizenship within the politics of the ‘Third Way’ project—as it is espoused in the British context—and argues that while such discourses accommodate notions of civic duty, moral obligation and enforced obedience, they seldom embrace a solidaristic ethic of responsibility. The third part discusses key findings from a more recent study of popular discourses of dependency, responsibility and rights. The findings suggest that what inhibits the translation of popular understandings of human interdependency into wider support for a form of citizenship based on collective responsibility and universal social rights is the hegemonic prevalence of a peculiarly individualistic conception of responsibility that seems to be consistent with Third Way thinking.     

Discourses of popular politics,war and authenticity in Turkish pop music

Turkey and the United States (US) have had a close mutually beneficial political and military relationship since the end of World War Two. However, this relationship came under pressure when the US government and Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) tried to cooperate closely in the 2003 military invasion of Iraq. AKP's leadership failed to persuade Turkey's parliament to accept the deployment of US troops and equipment in Turkey partially due to public opinion. Despite Turkish media and its government being intertwined to the extent where subversive discourses are all but silenced, some popular music videos were able to articulate discourses which questioned AKP's military policies. This paper analyses lyrics, visuals and sounds of one of these songs to look at the way war and political issues become articulated through a form of simplified popular politics, despite being presented as serious and authentic by a number of key signifiers across the different modes. A number of scholars have addressed the issue of subversion in music both as actual political challenge and as popular counter culture. This case study is used to assess subversion in music in these terms in order to consider its likely place in political debate in Turkey.