Suffragette sisters in old age: unpublished correspondence between Christabel and Sylvia Pankhurst, 1953–57

Christabel Pankhurst (1880-1958) and Sylvia Pankhurst (1882-1960) were key figures in the fight for women's suffrage in Edwardian Britain but became estranged in 1914 over differences of view about policies and tactics for winning the vote. They had no contact with each other for almost forty years. In the spring of 1953, Sylvia had a severe heart attack and was not expected to survive. Christabel wrote a letter of sympathy to her which led, over the next four years, to intermittent correspondence between the two sisters. In these letters, which form the basis of this documentary article, the authors begin by reminiscing about their childhood and parents; later, they comment on what they perceive to be inaccuracies and/or malice in books about the suffragette movement that were published after the Second World War. In many of the letters, the sisters reflect on their memories of their involvement in the women's suffrage movement, some three decades earlier. The correspondence reveals, however, that the renewed contact between the sisters did not lead to any real meeting of minds. Two of the letters are reproduced photographically in full     

CLARE EVANS MEMORIAL ESSAY PRIZE 2006: Liberty,Citizenship and the Suppression of Female Religious Communities in France, 1789–90

This article examines how nuns reacted to the proposed suppression of religious orders by the National Constituent Assembly during the French Revolution. Drawing upon petitions sent to the Assembly by female religious communities, as well as the letters of their individual members, it explores how these women harnessed revolutionary discourse to argue for their rights as citizens, revealing in the process their sentiments towards the religious state. Whether they were happy to leave their convents or professed a desire to stay, their correspondence encapsulates the dilemma faced by the Assembly in determining how to ensure liberty for all without overriding individual rights.     

What's Love Got to Do with It? Dynastic Politics and Motherhood in the Letters of Eleonora of Aragon and her Daughters

This article analyses interpretations of motherhood in letters from the duchess of Ferrara, Eleonora d'Aragona, to her daughters, Isabella and Beatrice d'Este. Following the girls’ marriages in 1490 and 1491, the duchess used letters to maintain a close surveillance and authority over them, as well as to offer advice and direction as they established intimacy with their spouses, faced the rigours of childbirth and took on new political responsibilities. In their side of the correspondence, Isabella and Beatrice reveal their anxieties about marriage and transfer to a new environment. The author argues that despite the constraints of writing mainly through secretaries and according to formulaic epistolary conventions, the women communicated effectively, revealing both their struggle to adhere to conventional interpretations of filial and maternal duty and the personal costs borne by them for the sake of their family's dynastic and political survival.     

Becoming a Woman: self-fashioning and emotion in a nineteenth-century family correspondence

This article explores the self-fashioning of a bourgeois woman in nineteenth-century France by analysing Geneviève Laurent-Pichat's letters to her father. Geneviève's illegitimacy compounded the emotional difficulties of her path to womanhood, but it also illuminates the processes by which bourgeois girls learned emotional self-management and shaped a self that fitted their assigned social position. Geneviève's letters also enable a reassessment of the role of letter-writing in women's self-fashioning. Engaging in family correspondence was central to the upbringing of middle-class girls, but its protocols reinforced the norms of conventional femininity. Family correspondence thus directed opportunities to explore and constitute the self into acceptable channels, creating a paradoxical feminine self whose fulfilment lay in self-denial.     

Social Negotiations in Correspondence between Mothers and Daughters in Tudor and Early Stuart England

This article examines correspondence between mothers and daughters in sixteenth- and early-seventeenth-century England, as a way of investigating the distinct nature of mother–daughter relationships during this period, and of studying the ways in which such relationships were negotiated through the epistolary medium. Based on approximately 100 letters extant for the period 1530 to 1620, it applies recent innovations in the field of Renaissance letter-writing to the social-cultural history of early modern women and the family. Rhetorical and material reading strategies, it argues, shed important new light on letters as evidence of mother–daughter relationships, and such interpretive methodologies are useful in reading, situating and understanding broader social relationships inscribed within correspondence.     

Introduction: Performing the Self: women's lives in historical perspective

Abstract

Two recently discovered letters have finally established what has long been conjectured, that the English radicals Mary Wollstonecraft and Catharine Macaulay corresponded with each other. The occasion for the correspondence was the publication of responses by both women to Edmund Burke's Reflection on the Revolution in France. The article explores the nature of their responses and analyses the main differences between them. It concludes that the two women were remarkably close in their ideas on democracy, equality and women's rights ideas ultimately circumscribed by eighteenth-century radicals' notions of property and class     

Tenderness,Tittle-tattle and Truth in Mother–Daughter Letters: Lady Mary Wortley Montagu,Mary Wortley Montagu Stuart,Countess of Bute,and Lady Louisa Stuart

The correspondence of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu and her daughter and granddaughter is one of the most extensive collections of English mother–daughter letters for the period. Through it one can see the nature of their political and social activity and their sense and construction of their own social identities and responsibilities. But what is most distinct about the Montagu–Bute–Stuart sequence is their reflection on what mother–daughter letters meant.     

‘My daughter,my dear’: the correspondence of Catherine de Médicis and Elisabeth de Valois

This article explores the evolving relationship between Catherine de Médicis and her daughter, Elisabeth de Valois, as the latter became Queen of Spain. The particular dynamics of their changing political roles juxtaposed with their relative status within the Valois familial hierarchy can be analysed through the extant correspondence that became their main conduit for communication after Elisabeth's marriage and removal to Spain. This correspondence highlights epistolary strategies of emotional rhetoric, silence, and even delay, as well as meaning conveyed through the use of scribes and the physical placement of messages upon paper. These letters between a mother and daughter further reveal complex patterns of involvement of a wider group of individuals at court within the epistolary network, which meant all communication was subject to supervision, interference and mediation.     

Northern Ireland's Abortion Law: The Morality of Silence and the Censure of Agency

This article explores the context within which abortion law and discourse in Northern Ireland must be situated and understood, relying in part on post-modern insights into the wider and long-term implications of feminists engaging law and by examining the strategies employed in Northern Ireland around the issue of abortion. In 2001,the Family Planning Association (Northern Ireland) took legal action to force the devolved government to defend at a procedural level the unequal and uncertain form of common law abortion regulation for Northern Ireland. The authors examine the strategy of this review as well as the response of the High Court, suggesting that while it may begin to challenge the legitimacy of abortion law, feminists and pro-choice advocates must prepare for challenges beyond that, the greatest being the cultural challenge. The courts, legislators and other public and political institutions(including the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition) consistently explain the law's lack of provision for women with reference to the `pro-life' majority views of Northern Irish people. The authors question the legitimacy of this claim in a cultural climate of intimidation against the expression of alternative views. Women will continue to be marginalised and devalued in this debate if the silencing of the pro-choice community and bodies responsible for protecting human rights is not redressed. A case is therefore made for a reconceptualisation of the abortion debate from the perspective of women's agency, which, alongside litigation and other strategies, is necessary to overcome the cultural censure that currently prevents meaningful dialogue. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

The autobiographical you: letters in the gendered politics of the labour movement

In this article, I consider the importance of epistolary narratives in the interface of autobiography and politics. In doing this, I read the letters of Fannia Mary Cohn, a Jewish immigrant worker, trade union activist and ardent labour organizer in the garment industry in the USA in the first half of the twentieth century. Cohn was a prolific writer and political activist and left a rich body of labour literature, but never wrote an autobiography or a diary or journal. It is in her letters to her comrades and friends in the labour movement that short autobiographical stories erupt and it is on such stories across her correspondence that this article focuses. The analysis is informed by Hannah Arendt's theorization of narratives in their interrelation with politics and history. Drawing on a rich body of feminist literature around the relational self, what I argue is that an Arendtian reading of epistolary narratives is a useful analytical tool in understanding gendered politics in the diverse histories of the labour movement.     

‘Happy Abortionists’

Recent feminist scholarship about abortion in Australia has focused on the politics of abortion as it is played out in the law, the media, public discourse and political debate. This article seeks to offer new angles on the politics of abortion by focusing on the provision of abortion services and in particular the position of doctors in relation to abortion in Australia since the early 1990s. It crafts a theoretical framework to think about the place of doctors, and their patients, in abortion provision and sketches a history of doctors over the last two decades. It is based in a small interview project conducted by the author in 2013 and uses interviews to supplement documentary evidence with ‘inside information’ about local histories and the micro-politics of decision-making in order to build an account of the multifaceted position of doctors in relation to abortion. It also uses the interviews to build a picture of the subjectivity of doctors who play a crucial part in the provision of abortion services. It argues that the ‘pro-choice versus anti-abortion’ spectrum is inadequate for understanding the multiple negotiations that doctors make in relation to abortion. Responsibility is devolved, often to the individual, albeit in sometimes resistant environments. Neoliberal female consumer citizens, empowered by as well as subordinated to dominant discourses, are often oblivious to the history and politics that make abortions available. Some doctors, although caught up in these forces, claim to be ‘happy abortionists’.     

making politics visible: discourses on gender and race in the problematisation of sex-selective abortion

This paper examines the problematisation of sex-selective abortion (SSA) in UK parliamentary debates on Fiona Bruce’s Abortion (Sex-Selection) Bill 2014–15 and on the subsequent proposed amendment to the Serious Crime Bill 2014–15. On the basis of close textual analysis, we argue that a discursive framing of SSA as a form of cultural oppression of minority women in need of protection underpinned Bruce’s Bill; in contrast, by highlighting issues more commonly articulated in defence of women’s reproductive rights, the second set of debates displaced this framing in favour of a broader understanding, drawing on postcolonial feminist critiques, of how socio-economic factors constrain all women in this regard. We argue that the problematisation of SSA explains the original cross-party support for, and subsequent defeat of, the policies proposed to restrict SSA. Our analysis also highlights the central role of ideology in the policy process, thus making politics visible in policymaking.     

Left Activism,Succour and Selfhood: the epistolary friendship of two revolutionary mothers in 1970s Britain

At the height of mass activity on the Left, the ascendancy of the women's liberation movement (WLM), and the beginnings of real social and personal change for men and women, the 1970s are increasingly seen as the decade when sixties permissiveness began to be truly felt in Britain. This article draws upon a personal archive of correspondence from this turbulent decade, between two revolutionary women, Di Parkin and Annie Howells. It argues that the women's letters form an important contribution to new understandings about the construction of the post-war gendered self. The letters represent an interchange of motherhood, domesticity, far-left politics, and close female friendship. The article will show how the women's epistolary friendship offers intimate insight into female self-fashioning at a breakthrough social and political moment in 1970s Britain. As they reflected on some of the key political and social themes of the decade—class, labour, race and gender relations, as well as international politics—Di and Annie sought to negotiate themselves in relation to shifting discourses and social patterns. Writing as relational female subjects and individuals, the women's letters became simultaneously a private and shared space in which to compose themselves as women, revolutionaries and feminists, and autonomous sexual subjects. As a result, this article will show, the epistolary lives of these two radical women inform valuable understanding about some of the complex ways in which post-war individuals used available cultural and political resources to find meaning in their lives.     

The Effect of Religious Membership on Teen Abortion Rates

Religious membership can be related to teen abortion rates both directly, through antiabortion sentiment, and indirectly, through the higher probability of parental involvement laws being enacted in states with high levels of religious membership. Using data from the 1,024 counties in the 18 states that report teen abortion numbers, counties with high levels of religious membership were more likely to be in a state with a parental involvement law. In weighted regressions with several control variables—restrictive public funding, unemployment rate, per capita income, population density, percent white population, percent of families headed by a married couple, and regional indicators—both the religious membership level and a parental involvement law were negatively related to teen abortion rates. The coefficients for both variables were smaller when both variables were included in the model, indicating an interaction effect between religious membership and parental involvement laws on teen abortion rates.     

Sylvia Pankhurst's last words on christabel: an unpublished letter of February 1958

The conflict in the Edwardian suffragette movement between Christabel and Sylvia Pankhurst has raised questions as to the relationship between the two sisters in later life. To throw light on this question the author in 2001 published in Women's History Review the text of twelve letters written from 1953, when the correspondence began, to 1957, when it ended some six months before Christabel's death. This correspondence may be supplemented by a recently discovered brief assessment of her sister written by the author's mother in February 1958, in reply to a letter of condolence sent by his parents-in-law on the occasion of Christabel's death.     

Abortion Needs or Abortion Rights? Claiming State Accountability for Women’s Reproductive Welfare

The Family Planning Association Northern Ireland (F.P.A.N.I.) has recently been successful in holding the state accountable for its duty to safeguard women’s reproductive health and welfare, and clarify the circumstances in which abortion is lawful. By demanding that the Minister for Health investigate abortion provision and produce abortion guidance, F.P.A.N.I. hope to improve the quality of abortion services and alleviate the situation of those women who are legally entitled to abortion in Northern Ireland but cannot access it there. This action has challenged a public failure which impacts most negatively on those women who cannot easily escape its effects. Although the case succeeded in shaming the state for such a failure, the judicial review strategy could not challenge the legal ethos which denies women a say over their reproductive lives. This case commentary argues that pro-choice strategic litigation needs to positively and generally assert women’s reproductive rights at the same time as it seeks to accommodate the needs of the most vulnerable.     

Feminism on the frontier: the history of abortion law reform in 1973 in the Northern Territory,Australia

In 1973, the Northern Territory (NT) criminal law relating to abortion was reformed. The NT was one of only two Australian jurisdictions where the 1970s liberalisation of abortion was enabled by legislative reform. Unlike the 1969 South Australian reform, the NT bill was sponsored by a female, and feminist, parliamentarian, Dawn Lawrie, assisted by a small group of supporters. This article recovers the narrative of this pioneering reform achieved in a place dominated by white men. It argues that this achievement was enabled by the NT’s individualistic culture, its history of white women’s activism and the mood for progressive change in 1970s Australia. It contextualises the reform by keeping the position of Indigenous women, including the public opposition of some to abortion reform, clearly in view, thus keeping race at the centre of the analysis of liberal feminist reforms and of white feminism in the NT in the early 1970s.     

From ‘Dearest Mama’ to ‘Dear Mother’: changing styles in early twentieth-century letters from daughters to mothers

In this article, the author looks at two sets of letters sent home to mothers by travelling daughters in the early twentieth century. Both sets of letters come from the Strachey family: one from Philippa Strachey written during the visit she made to India in 1901, the other from her niece, Elinor Rendel, during the period she spent with the Scottish Women's Hospital on the Eastern Front in the First World War. But the letters come from two different generations of women and there are very marked differences between them in style and in content. Both women used their letters as ways to express and to negotiate independent lives while still remaining close to their families, and the author suggests that the differences in their epistolary style serves as much to reflect contrasting approaches to expressions of sentiment and to the appropriate style for writing letters as they do to suggest different relationships between them and their mothers.     

ABORTION IN AUSTRALIAN ELECTIONS

This article focuses on the question of the salience of the issue of abortion in Australian elections; that is, whether it is an issue on which electors cast their vote, and whether it plays a role in changes in voting patterns. The issue of public attitudes to such primary women's rights and feminist issues as abortion has been important in Australia for many years, but there is no body of research literature here on the electoral salience of those attitudes to abortion. In contrast, a body of US literature indicates that attitudes to abortion there are of significance in predicting voters' choices at state and federal levels and that this significance has increased over time. My argument is that there are no significant patterns of voting or even of party identification that are dependent on parliamentary candidates' views on abortion in Australia, and that this has been the case for at least 30 years. My argument is made through exploring opinion polls and academic surveys; examining three anecdotal claims of electoral retribution; and looking in detail at the case of the defeat of Barry Simon in the 1980 federal election. My finding as to the non-salience of the issue of abortion among Australian voters has significance in terms of accurately identifying obstacles to feminist proposals for reform of abortion laws in Australia. One of the aims of the article is to dispel the myth that politicians who are pro-choice or who vote for abortion reform are likely to face electoral retribution on that score. That is, the feminist project of abortion reform is not a vote loser.     

An Exceptional Choice?

Building on Penelope Deutscher's analysis of the biopolitical implications of abortion being regulated by a framework of exceptionalism, this article explores discursive constructions of abortion as an exceptional choice that is only justifiable in ‘worthy’ cases. In so doing, it extends our understanding of exceptionalism and neo-liberalism as ways for thinking about abortion. Through an analysis of interviews with New Zealand women about their views on abortion, I contend that exceptionalism operates not only as a dominant framework for talking about abortion but that it structures a hierarchy of worthiness in abortion discourse. I argue that the exceptionalism framework both obscures the ways that abortion is an ordinary and common part of many women's reproductive experiences and raises questions for how challenges to prevailing legislative regimes might be organised.