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1.
2.
ABSTRACT

The education Sustainable Development Goal includes a commitment to ensuring that all children – regardless of their gender and circumstances within which they are born – should complete free, equitable and quality primary and secondary education. The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in April 2018 re-affirmed the importance of 12 years of quality education for all, particularly marginalised groups including disadvantaged girls. To inform these commitments, this paper aims to situate the current evidence on girls’ education across the 53 countries in the Commonwealth, with a particular focus on low- and lower-middle income countries where the challenges are the greatest. It identifies the current status of access to school and learning, and highlights trends in domestic and aid financing to support the targets. It then presents evidence on interventions aimed at tackling barriers to girls’ access and learning to achieve the commitments. The paper argues a need not only to focus on gender parity in education – i.e. an equal proportion of girls and boys in school and learning – but also to pay greater attention to the more ambitious target of gender equality, which requires an end to discrimination if a truly level playing field is to be achieved.  相似文献   

3.
Cream Wright 《圆桌》2019,108(4):423-433
ABSTRACT

This paper analyses Commonwealth engagement in education against a background of issues, trends, and partnerships in education. It argues for reforms towards a ‘New Commonwealth’ that is fit for the 21st century; embracing the celebration of diversity and moving beyond the donor/recipient model of development. The relevance, effectiveness, and sustainability of education engagement by the Commonwealth are gauged in relation to the focus of the sustainable development goals (SDGs) on the indigenous, immigrant, refugee, and other disadvantaged populations. The paper explores education challenges facing these population groups and proposes some options or niche areas that may be considered for Commonwealth engagement in education. The first option is engagement in the influential Global Partnership for Education (GPE), where Commonwealth countries already operate, and synergies are possible with UNICEF, UNESCO, and the World Bank. Second is pan-Commonwealth ‘facilities’ for implementing bi-lateral projects. Third is Commonwealth Talent Academies to address youth unemployment and illegal migration. Fourth is using COL to enhance distance learning leadership. Fifth is a Commonwealth Teachers Exchange Scheme to ‘right-size’ teaching forces. Sixth is the Commonwealth Remittances Transaction Cost Reduction initiative. Viability of these options will depend on the appetite for reform towards a multi-polar Commonwealth with financial burden sharing.  相似文献   

4.
Tavis D. Jules 《圆桌》2019,108(4):435-446
ABSTRACT

This article discusses the implication of soft diplomacy in education, in the form of educational cooperation, for the governance of regimes. In drawing upon regime theory, it suggests that the Commonwealth should be viewed as a regime, and its survival is partly dependent upon how it uses educational cooperation to coordinate its functional areas, such as education. Moreover, educational cooperation at the transnational level is different from traditional South-South cooperation in that it is based on the coordination of hierarchic mechanisms. In drawing lessons from the experiences of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) project and extending them to the Commonwealth project, it argues that soft diplomacy, around perceived global norms, propels national educational agenda-setting attitudes. From this it follows that educational cooperation is the new order of things in an era defined by educational multistakeholderism where new regimes and institutions arise and coexist alongside other regimes. In other words, the Commonwealth must now retool itself in an era driven by regime complex(es) where it must coexist and compete with issue-specific regimes as well as complex entities which are comprised of more than one regime.  相似文献   

5.
ABSTRACT

This paper examines the Commonwealth’s inclusive role in engaging with the distinctive challenges of education provision in small states, an agenda that is often neglected elsewhere. We examine the origins of Commonwealth work on education in small states, the nature of its comparative advantage, its role in facilitating small states’ engagement with international education dialogue and regional co-operation, and the demand and potential for ongoing Commonwealth support for education. Particular attention is given to experience within the Caribbean region and to the potential for the Commonwealth and the wider international community to learn from small states in the light of their distinctive educational challenges, achievements and priorities – and, most notably, their experience at the ‘sharp end’ of environmental uncertainty and climate change.  相似文献   

6.
Denghua Zhang 《圆桌》2017,106(2):197-206
Abstract

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract

The article argues that the primary purpose of education, both formal and non‐formal, is the development of interrelated and interdependent sets of human capacity to think, to know and to act by honing social consciousness or awareness, values and skills. Investing in education is therefore viewed as investment in the development of social capital that combines with material resources and other non‐material phenomena to produce goods and services, as well as a favourable spiritual environment for human sustenance and development.

Education in Africa needs a fundamental paradigm change which entails, among other things, focusing on confronting, with a view to correcting and departing from, hegemonic knowledge and knowledge systems that are predicated on racist paradigms that have deliberately and otherwise distorted, and continue to distort, the reality of who Africans really are. The article visits some of the terrains most in need of this change: contestations about the roles Africans and Africa have played in human civilisation during the four main historical periods to date: Africa's leadership as the cradle of humankind or the Naissance of Humanity; Africa's leadership in all fields of knowledge and human achievements at the beginning of modern civilisation up to about the fourteenth century AD; the fifteenth century AD to the present which marks the only period in human development when Africa and Africans have been dominated and marginalised by mainly European civilisation and its global projections; and, the emerging era of the renaissance of Africa and other marginalised peoples.

A model curriculum that requires supplementation by the specific characteristics of each country that adopts it is suggested as a step towards this paradigm change. This modest effort at constructing a model curriculum is informed by the understanding that all Africans and peoples of African descent need to possess some basic, shared common knowledge about Africa, the Diaspora and the world ‐ and to acquire critical approaches to contextualised learning.  相似文献   

8.
Peter Marshall 《圆桌》2016,105(5):451-461
Abstract

The article looks at the implications of Brexit for Britain and its place in the world. It considers how effective Britain can be in utilising its diplomacy, its trade links, and the application of soft power to secure its interests post-Brexit. The article concludes with an assessment of the possible role of the Commonwealth in assisting Britain going forward. However, in order for positive outcomes to be achieved both in regard to the Commonwealth and Brexit more generally, Britain must persuade its international partners of the merits of the new forms of cooperation being suggested, but also for the people of Britain to shape proactively the future direction of the country.  相似文献   

9.
Maria Sapignoli 《圆桌》2013,102(4):355-365
Abstract

This article considers the complex cases of indigenous peoples in three Commonwealth countries in southern Africa: Botswana, Namibia and South Africa. In terms of national-level policy, the governments of these countries do not differentiate indigenous peoples from the rest of their populations. They do, however, have programmes aimed at assisting ‘marginalised’ or ‘disadvantaged’ communities. In this article, three main dimensions related to indigenous peoples’ rights in southern Africa are discussed: national policies, indigenous peoples’ rights, and rights to representation; land and resource rights, including rights to water; and language and gender rights. The paper concludes with an assessment of where indigenous peoples stand today in southern Africa.  相似文献   

10.
《圆桌》2012,101(2):157-166
Abstract

Seas, oceans and fisheries are probably among the most challenging natural resource systems to govern. This contribution discusses why this is so by analysing the key issues and presenting a selection of approaches to tackle them. The main recommendations are for control of illegal and open access fisheries, reduction of perverse subsidies, establishment of more marine protected areas, and proper evaluation of the importance of fisheries to future generations. Only then can fisheries be managed sustainably. The paper uses fish and fisheries in the Commonwealth of Nations to illustrate the points being made.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

The article argues for the Africanisation of the South African education system, most critically at high school and tertiary levels. Using both experiential and theoretical reasoning, it seeks to present a compelling argument for the value of teaching our children, using methodologies, examples and stories they can relate to. It argues that this relatability is what will best develop the cognition of learners and better equip them to turn knowledge into action. The South African education system has often been seen as lacking a critical thinking and problem-solving element, and the article argues that this limitation is embedded in the abstractness of our curricula. The article presents a short case study highlighting just how little about Africa some of our best learners know. It ends by offering practical suggestions about how the education system could incorporate critical African knowledge in its learning models.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

Community mobilisation and activism is thought to encourage HIV testing and treatment and assist patient recovery. This article draws on interviews conducted with 60 people living with, and affected by HIV, in four marginalised areas of Harare, Zimbabwe. The lenses of civil society and social movements are used to analyse how people living with HIV draw on, and construct, systems of support based on the ways in which their communities know and understand the epidemic. I consider how neighbourhoods negotiate and assert community and individual needs in relation to HIV and how such systems can develop into community networks and wider coalitions. The article concludes by positing that, by interrogating official responses to the epidemic, HIV-related activism and social movements can help to domesticate formal commitments to international health protocols and compliance, particularly in terms of the intent, as well as the participatory rhetoric, of health based rights.  相似文献   

13.
Kenneth King  Pravina King 《圆桌》2019,108(4):399-409
ABSTRACT

The article reviews several of the main modalities of India’s human resources’ involvement with other developing economies, and especially those in Africa. These involve the provision of long-term scholarships and short-term professional training awards. Comparison is made, in the case of international students, between the scholarship and privately funded categories, and also between those from Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth countries. Comparable data on such assisted foreign student flows are also offered in respect of South Africa. Other modalities of India’s HRD engagement with Africa are analysed, including those associated with the India-African Forum Summits (IAFS). India also does capacity building through non-state actors, notably nongovernment organisations and the private sector. Furthermore, it promotes cultural diplomacy through its Indian Cultural Centres and Chairs of Indian Studies, though these are not restricted to developing economies. Although attention is paid to the Commonwealth dimension in these comparisons, it is acknowledged that the classification of students and countries as Commonwealth may not be as widespread or meaningful today as 60 years ago.  相似文献   

14.
Hilary Perraton 《圆桌》2019,108(4):411-422
ABSTRACT

Higher education, and international student mobility, have expanded in 60 years since the Commonwealth Education Conference of 1959. It established a Commonwealth Scholarship and Fellowship Plan which has funded and moved early-career scholars and mid-career fellows between Commonwealth member countries. It has done so in a context in which the number of students moving between Commonwealth countries has grown but this intra-Commonwealth movement has shrunk as a proportion of the total, just as the Commonwealth has lost its political and economic significance. The scholarship plan expanded up to the 1990s, with students travelling from virtually all Commonwealth countries, mainly but not entirely to Australia, Britain, Canada and New Zealand. From the 1990s the plan has shrunk with Australia and Canada ending their awards and Britain limiting them to developing countries. Its purpose has moved from one of promoting Commonwealth cohesion to one of supporting development within the south. Its history demonstrates the way in which changing political circumstances have driven student mobility and shaped its geography.  相似文献   

15.
Rhona Smith 《圆桌》2016,105(4):363-375
Abstract

Although international human rights instruments assume a universalism of application and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child is one of the most ratified instruments in the world and therefore most likely to have global if not universal application, in fact understandings of childhood and definitions of ‘child’ or ‘children’ are very variable not just in different social and cultural contexts but in laws as well. This creates a number of challenges for formulating cross-boundary policies and programmes, because on the one hand these differences cannot be ignored, but on the other hand they should not be seen as insurmountable barriers to the advocacy and promotion of children’s rights. This paper presents an overview of difference and similarity in the Commonwealth and considers some of the challenges that these may present in formulating strategies for international organisations such as the Commonwealth.  相似文献   

16.
《圆桌》2012,101(2):147-156
Abstract

This paper begins by examining the reasons behind most failures of governance, including fault lines in institutional and professional specialisation, and in ideology. These three, forever competing within and between themselves, frustrate attempts to find solutions to some of the world's most pressing challenges. Not least among these are environmental challenges, where preferences and priorities that are geographically, professionally or ideologically narrow inevitably fail to achieve solutions for the greater good. What role can the Commonwealth play in addressing the fracture lines that bedevil solutions for climate change and biodiversity? It may help to stimulate global action on these issues if it can encourage agreement across multidimensional global boundaries. We know the Commonwealth is not a leading global force for controlling climate change or biodiversity loss; but if it had the political will it could be an exemplar of how, between a group of vastly diverse countries across the globe—and on the global political stage—binding agreement and positive action on climate change and biodiversity could be promoted and perhaps achieved. One of the strongest features of the Commonwealth is the generation of long-standing legal and ethical norms whose appeal is obvious even if their implementation is lacking. These norms should not be limited to the rule of law, democracy and human rights, but should include environmental norms because these too are fundamental to a satisfactory human condition.  相似文献   

17.
Stephen Corry 《圆桌》2013,102(4):343-353
Abstract

Intent on stealing land and plundering resources, the British Empire labelled its tribal subjects as ‘backward’ and used the excuse of bringing them ‘civilisation’ to appropriate their land and resources. This study examines the development of campaigns for tribal peoples’ rights in various Commonwealth countries since independence. It shows how methods of campaigning have been largely consistent since the birth of the indigenous rights movements, involving the public in letter-writing, demonstrations and vigils, and using publications and the press to raise awareness of rights violations and abuses. It illustrates how many Commonwealth governments today, like the former imperial rulers, believe in the ‘backwardness’ of their tribal citizens, but today it is ‘development’ not ‘civilisation’ that lies behind the theft of their lands and resources.  相似文献   

18.
二战结束后,英国适时运用文化外交来巩固和发展与英联邦国家之间的关系,实现英国不同时期的战略目标。期间主要经历了由迅速发展到艰难维持再到平稳恢复的外交历程,并形成了三位一体的运作机制,而运行过程中尤以英语教学、教育培训、文学交流和体育运动等具体方式著称。在实施文化外交的过程中,表现出相互性原则和灵活性原则相结合的特征,有效避免了被指责为文化殖民主义者,并且使得阶段性的调整没有抛弃文化外交的长期性。英国针对英联邦的文化外交的根本动因是在硬实力下降的背景下如何有效提升软实力,实践也证明在扩大影响、保持联系和改善形象等方面,文化外交对提升英国软实力、巩固和发展与英联邦国家之间的关系发挥了积极作用。  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

Africa has rich traditions and knowledge systems founded on the principles of caring for one another and the spirit of mutual support embedded in the African philosophy of Ubuntu. These collective values tend to be marginalised in international human rights standards built on western values. The standards were developed without broad-based consultation of the different value systems in Africa. Therefore, in order to inspire sustainable implementation among diverse cultures, dialogue to develop universal human rights and obligations based on the diversity of cultures and ways of knowing is needed. Using South Africa's experience at two universities, the extent to which these institutions have attempted to incorporate African indigenous knowledge systems (AIKS) and human rights into the higher education curriculum is investigated. The implications for higher education and the human rights and development paradigms built on western knowledge systems are investigated. North-West University has been the pioneer of integrating AIKS into higher education in South Africa and is the only higher education institution in South Africa with an accredited IKS Teaching Programme at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels – which has been notably successful, albeit with some challenges. AIKS has also been integrated into research and teaching at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and has registered significant successes since 2012. The need to embed AIKS in the curriculum of higher education institutions is affirmed.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

While it is important that education be relevant to the context of students, education systems struggle to introduce curricula that relate to the context of students. In South Africa the national curriculum, which is outcomes based, attempts to address the local context of students by introducing critical outcomes restricted to learning areas, and guide classroom methodology, the selection of content and the motivations for teaching and learning. In this article I argue that due to centralisation and bureaucratisation, the national curriculum does not sufficiently address the context of students. In the analysis, I discuss critical aspects of the curriculum development process, and argue that in order to address the local context, the home curriculum must be introduced in schools. In this way the education system will be striving for the Africanisation of education.  相似文献   

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