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Joel Moses 《欧亚研究》2017,69(6):961-988
The year 2015 throughout Russia was much less about what it seemed than what it revealed. On the surface, after the September 2015 combined regional and local elections, Russia appeared to be tranquil, politically disengaged, and supportive of President Vladimir Putin. The underlying reality was quite different. The election exposed a country divided by rivalry and a conflict of interests within the Russian political establishment set off by Putin’s own policies over the preceding two years. Since the election, Putin and the Kremlin have been confronting the challenge of balancing and containing the competing interests of institutions, levels of government, and establishment stakeholders who are less easily reconciled or controlled. 相似文献
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Post-Soviet Developmentalism and the Political Economy of Russia’s Electricity Sector Liberalization
Observers of Russian state market relations typically consider the state as an entity engaged in creating rent-seeking opportunities
for bureaucrats or powerful economic interests. The trajectory and outcomes of electricity sector reforms demonstrate the
limits of this perspective and serve to highlight a developmental strand in Russian economic policy, which I call post-Soviet
developmentalism. I found that post-Soviet developmentalism is key to understanding the patterns of market institutions that
have emerged in the newly liberalized electricity sector and that they cannot be adequately explained if the state is largely
seen as a predator or as captured by oligarchic interests. A close analysis of the institutional underpinnings of new electricity
markets suggests that they were shaped in political bargains, in which the government sought to enlist Russia’s oligarchic
conglomerates for its modernization agenda and developmental priorities. The paper links this discussion to three sets of
theoretical literatures: It speaks to the debates on the post-Soviet transition, more broadly to the political economy of
market reform, and finally, it addresses the developmental state literature. 相似文献
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Survey evidence suggests that Vladimir Putin’s legitimacy rests on three pillars: domestic order; economic prosperity; and the demonstration of great power status internationally. This is problematic inasmuch as it is based on a high degree of personal popularity which inhibits and contravenes the legal–rational legitimacy of state institutions. This requires continued delivery in all three areas in order to maintain the legitimacy of the regime. This framework allows us better to interpret the 2014 Ukraine crisis as an attempt to shore up support in one ‘pillar’ as performance-based legitimacy recedes. 相似文献
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Peter P. Houtzager Adrian Gurza Lavalle 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2010,45(1):1-29
Civil society is laying claim to political representation in contemporary democracies, destabilizing long-standing ideas about democratic legitimacy. The participatory governance structures that have emerged alongside classic institutions of representative democracy encompass not only direct citizen participation but also political representation by civil society actors. Using original data from São Paulo, Brazil, we show that most of civil society actors that work for the urban poor claim political representation of their “constituency.” Theirs is more often than not an “assumed representation,” we suggest, because our data show that most lack formal members and do not select leaders through elections. Civil society actors (in contrast to political parties and labor unions) lack historically settled and politically sanctioned mechanisms to authorize and hold accountable their representation. This new layer of political representatives therefore faces a historic challenge—constructing novel notions of democratic legitimacy that can support their forms of representation. We examine what new notions of representations are emerging and trace the historic roots of the most widespread and promising that focus on remedying inequality in access to the state. 相似文献
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This article uses data from Northern Tanzania to analyse how economic empowerment helps women reduce their reproductive health (RH) vulnerability. It analyses the effect of women’s employment and economic contribution to their household on health care use at three phases in the reproductive cycle: before pregnancy, during pregnancy and at child birth. Economic empowerment shows a positive effect on health seeking behaviour during pregnancy and at child birth, which remains robust after controlling for bargaining power and selection bias. This indicates that any policy that increases women’s economic empowerment can have a direct positive impact on women’s RH. 相似文献
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Policy Experimentation in China’s Economic Rise 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
Policy experimentation is frequently highlighted as a potent means to facilitate institutional innovation, and avoid reformist
leaps in the dark by injecting bottom-up initiative and local knowledge into the national policy process. Yet experimentation
remains a surprisingly vague concept in the debate over variants of economic governance. This article contributes to the study
of experiment-based policymaking by examining the distinctive tools, processes, and effects of experimental programs in major
domains of China’s economic reform. China’s experience attests to the potency of experimentation in bringing about transformative
change, even in a rigid authoritarian, bureaucratic environment, and regardless of strong political opposition. Large-scale
experimentation stimulated policy learning and economic expansion effectively in those sectors in which political elites could
benefit from supporting new types of private and transnational entrepreneurial activity. Conversely, experimental programs
largely failed in generating an effective provision of social goods which would require a combination of active societal supervision
and strict central government enforcement to make it work. Though the impact of reform experiments varies between policy domains,
China’s experimentation-based policy process has been essential to redefining basic policy parameters. At the heart of this
process, we find a pattern of central–local interaction in generating policy—“experimentation under hierarchy”—which constitutes
a notable addition to the repertoires of governance that have been tried for achieving economic transformation.
The research for this article was supported by the German National Research Foundation and the Fairbank Center for East Asian
Research at Harvard University. The author is especially indebted to Elizabeth Perry, Steven Goldstein, Rolf Langhammer, Dani
Rodrik, Victor Shih, Ezra Vogel, and Rudolf Wagner for their encouragement and comments. Nancy Hearst made a crucial contribution
by bringing precious sources from the Fairbank Center’s library to my attention that I otherwise would have overlooked.
相似文献
Sebastian HeilmannEmail: |
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Katja Ruutu 《欧亚研究》2017,69(8):1153-1162
AbstractVladimir Putin’s long period in power has so far raised scant discussion about the political concepts that underpin real state and societal unity, and especially about the domestic political implications of these concepts. Despite this, key concepts of his political regime, such as ‘sovereignty’ and ‘sovereign democracy’, have frequently been used in Russian political discourse. This essay examines the way the current Russian administration has used concepts that stress strong societal unity, and the creation of a stable state and societal unity to support the development of real functioning dynamics in the society. It charts the shift from ‘sovereign democracy’ to ‘sovereignty’ around 2011–2012 as a key discursive concept in moving towards a more isolationist international stand and consolidating Putin’s power by emphasising Russia’s unique political tradition, which requires a strong leader as the basis of national unity and to ensure Russian sovereignty. 相似文献
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Wonhee Lee 《欧亚研究》2017,69(10):1675-1676
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Tatiana Tkacheva 《欧亚研究》2019,71(5):824-839
AbstractThe primary elections of the United Russia party serve as a tool for party organisation and voter mobilisation. In this study, we employ United Russia’s capacity to mobilise voter turnout in the 2016 primary elections as an indirect indicator of the strength of party-controlled regional political machines. Our analysis of the results of the 2016 Duma elections in 83 regions of Russia demonstrates that voter turnout in the spring 2016 party primaries of United Russia to a significant extent explains cross-regional variation in party success. 相似文献
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Reviewing the history of women’s movement, this article expects to find a large role of women’s organizations in the process of change that has helped to increase participation of women in local government political process of Bangladesh. While there is considerable support for the presence of the women’s movement, there is much ambivalence as to the specifics of such influence: its objects, means, and magnitude. The difficulty in assessing influence may stem from the reliance on informal channels, which makes tracing and tracking influence a great challenge, and calls for more grounded research to expose the intricate interactions between actors. 相似文献