Political constitutionalism and populism

Criticisms of political constitutionalism's relationship to populism point in two opposed directions. Legal constitutionalists consider it too open to, and even as legitimating, populist politics, whereas radical democrats consider it too closed to popular participation, prompting an anti-system politics of a populist character. I dispute both these views. Underlying these contrasting assessments are differing conceptions of populism and constitutionalism. This article distinguishes right- from left-wing populism, and limited government from non-arbitrary rule, as constitutional ideals. Legal constitutionalism typically embraces the first ideal. However, that can be a driver of both right- and left-wing populism, and allow types of arbitrary rule that democratic backsliding and illiberal regimes can (and do) exploit. By contrast, political constitutionalism involves the second ideal and is antithetical to right-wing populism while potentially friendly to the legitimate demands of left-wing populism. Nevertheless, the practical reality of political constitutionalism in the United Kingdom (and elsewhere) often falls short of its ideal theoretical potential. Addressing these shortcomings, however, requires strengthening democracy rather than the legal constitution, not least through electoral reform.     

Political constitutionalism in Europe revisited

This article traces the disconnect in the constitutional study of the European Union from the Maastricht era to the euro crisis. In the Maastricht era, a discourse of ‘post-sovereignty’ came to dominate theoretical enquiry, reflecting but also distorting a number of material developments: the ‘end of history’, the retreat of critical theory into discourse analysis and systems theory, and the prioritization of law over politics. Jürgen Habermas was a key intellectual figure in driving this ideological mix at the very moment when anti-systemic challenges began to return, both formally and informally, as exemplified in the German Constitutional Court and the French political scene. In revisiting the idea of political constitutionalism, we can foreground this constitutional disconnect and show how it contributes to the irresolution of the subsequent euro crisis conjuncture.     

宪政框架下的宪法与行政法之关系

近百年,宪政与行政法治,一直是国人孜孜以求的目标。然而在这一宏大的主题之下,宪法与行政法之具体关系问题,虽有不少学者提纲挈领式的阐发,却鲜有深入细致的分析。本文试图从法理学的角度,以“应该”和“事实”两分为基础,分形式、内容、实效三个层次来解析“宪法与行政法的关系”这一命题。其中,前两个层次属“应该”范畴,后一层次属“事实”范畴。以期对如下问题有所启迪:缩小中国实然意义上与以宪政国家为模本所构成的应然意义上的“宪法与行政法关系”的距离,实现宪政与行政法治的良性互动。     

宪政维度的人身保护令制度

人身保护令制度是有效保护公民人身自由权利的司法救济制度。当前中国刑事司法领域充斥的大量侵害公民人权的行为,基本原因在于宪政层面人身保护令制度的缺失。站在保护公民人权和建设社会主义和谐社会的历史高度,有必要设计一套具有中国特色的人身保护令制度。     

The Caribbean Court of Justice and the Legal Profession: Promoting a Caribbean Jurisprudence*

The author submits that the main purpose in the establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) is to promote the development of a Caribbean jurisprudence, based on the Commonwealth Caribbean's common historic, political, economic and cultural experiences and mutual history.

The article examines the role of final appellate courts, noting that judges of such courts must often choose between alternatives which are perfectly capable of being defended as rational, reasonable and consistent with ‘the law’. Factors such as life experiences, socialisation, and backgrounds all play a role in determining the choices that are ultimately made. This is why, the author underscores that ‘it is so important to have a diverse Bench, to have Judges from different backgrounds’.

For judges to come close to steering the right course they must have an understanding of the society that gives rise to the legal disputes. They must be grounded in that society. In this respect, the author argues, it is remarkable that the evolution of certain landmark judgments relating to human rights, particularly capital punishment, have been rendered by British judges, sitting and residing in England.

The article, which draws on a wealth of jurisprudence, proceeds to examine the original jurisdiction of the CCJ and the role of the Bar in defending the integrity of the Court and the justice system as well as in enhancing the quality of judgments.

Finally, it emphasises the need to promote Caribbean jurisprudence and access to local judgments. In this regard, it is lamented that many truly outstanding judgments of Caribbean judges do not receive the recognition they should because, if there is an appeal, they become almost automatically buried beneath the judgments of the higher court.     

推进宪政建设实施依法治国——首都法学界学习宪法座谈会综述

为深入学习第十届全国人大二次会议通过的《中华人民共和国宪法修正案》,广泛深入地开展宪法学习宣传活动,日前,司法部、中国法学会联合举办了首都法学界学习宪法座谈会,邀请首都法学界部分专家学者畅谈学习宪法的体会。 中国社会科学院法学所研究员、中国法学会学术委员会主任、民经法学研究会会长王家福,中国政法大学教授、中国法学会婚姻法学研究会会长巫昌祯,中国政法大学校长、教授、中国法学会法理学研究会副会长徐显明,北京大学副校长、教授、中国法学会经济法学研究会会长吴志攀,中国社会科学院人权研究中心主任、中国法学会信息法学研究会会长刘海年,中国社会科学院法学所研究员、中国法     

Plurinational democracies in Europe: the quest for a profane constitutionalism

How should we understand the claims on the right to decide on status made within plurinational member states of the European Union by actors and institutions seeking to protect the self-government of sub-state nations or peoples, or at least their right to consent to their ascribed status? Peaceful solutions to conflicts involving contested claims over territory, citizenship, and national sovereignty (authority) can be found when a conceptual or cultural transformation takes place towards a pluralist and bottom-up or federal concept of plurinational democracy, recovering the centrality of self-determination as the self-assertion of a political community. Constitutional law based on the popular sovereignty of a majority nation within plurinational democracies often neglects the question of the definition of the demos as the prefigured constituency, and the existence of national or territorial minorities. If constitutions are interpreted as precluding any claim to self-determination by a constituency, and any debate about that claim, then an undemocratic, sacralized model of militant constitutionalism may emerge. That model is not so much about protecting democracy as it is about imposing a national mould, a pre-defined demos. This article revisits the claims of sovereignty made by national territorial minorities in Spain, against the background of the constitutional doctrine of the Spanish judiciary that precludes these constituencies from engaging in political debates on the right to decide. The resulting sacralization of the Constitution leads to a new version of the model of ‘militant democracy’, a militant nationalist constitutionalism, which can be countered by an alternative, secular, even profane approach to the Constitution.     

Economic constitutionalism: Path for state to intervene in the economy

Constitutional agreement and support is a necessity to a legitimate collective economic action. The purpose of economic constitutionalism is to determine the due process of government economic actions. Economic constitutionalism can provide a set of constitutional economic commands for the social economic actions. It is a path that allows the state to intervene in the economy. Under the structure of economic constitutionalism, liberty and intervention can be balanced. Only the intervention defined and established by an economic democratic mechanism can avoid economic autocracy. The share of economic powers by both the state and the social members can safeguard the social and democratic nature of intervention. Intervention is not always accompanied by the public, and the public is not inevitably superior to individuals. Individualism in the public is the value guide to form the public.     

建设法治政府与宪政的迷失

法治政府的建设应体现宪政精神。然而我国在推行建立法治政府的过程中却与宪政的要求差距较大。究其原因是我国法治文化的缺失和专制理念的厚实基础,并在法治主体、政府权力和权力的自律还是分权监督等方面存在错位。因此,合理吸收国外的宪政经验,走全方位的法治之路应是明智之策。     

Remembering the children: decolonizing community-based restorative justice for Indian Residential Schools

This article argues for community-based justice to confront the atrocities of residential schools in Canada. After considering the strengths of community-based restorative justice (CBRJ) in relation to state-sponsored transitional justice responses, I examine a case study of the Remembering the Children Society (RCS), an Indigenous church partnership, that has worked to commemorate children who lost their lives at the Red Deer Industrial School. The RCS engages in a decolonizing form of CBRJ by placing primacy on Indigenous cultures through (1) feasts and ceremonies, (2) freeing the spirits of children who died, (3) the centrality of elders, and (4) Aboriginal spirituality and world views on ‘working together’. The centrality of cultures contributes to decolonization through (1) cultural resistance in the face of assimilation, (2) the healing power of cultural resurgence, (3) the development of mutually honoring partnerships, and (4) the telling of decolonizing truths. In conclusion, I consider the broader impacts of the RCS in helping transform official narratives about residential schools.     

宪政视角下的国家刑罚权

国家刑罚权是一柄双刃剑,既能保证人权,也容易侵犯人权,因此必须以宪政的精神对刑罚权予以规制,特别是要以正当法律程序对其规制,使刑罚权更加谦抑、更符合人道性,这也是契合宪政之道的。     

A reflection on the history of Chinese constitutionalism of last century

The academic circle often attributes frustrations of Chinese constitutionalism to the resistance of traditions. This article is of the opinion that the constitutionalism in modern China failed to be as what its framers expected precisely because of its inability to find motivation from traditions. Only when connecting itself with Chinese traditions can the “flower” of western constitutionalism get rooted in this land. “Li” (rites) is the backbone of Chinese traditions, but the rule by li, as the symbol of Chinese civilization, necessarily finds itself the focus of modern criticism on traditions. Yet, the negation and criticism that lasted for more than a century did not wipe out the imprint of history. Perhaps, in this age of unprecedented stability and easiness, we are more likely to find out the rational part implied in the rule by li as well as its particularity and lasting popularity in China. Rather than blind criticism or refusal, we should reflect, discuss, reconstruct, and rejuvenate the rule by li, and this may be an effective approach for Chinese constitutional reform.     

限制行政权力的路径选择——“行政三分制”改革的宪政分析

《深圳市深化行政管理体制改革试点方案》,是深圳“行政三分制”改革的替代方案。深圳市实行的行政改革,存在内在矛盾和缺陷。从宪法学角度看,要限制行政权力就必须从国家权力宏观角度选择限制行政权力的路径,即在人民代表大会制度框架内通过法律规范行政权力;通过创造“社会交往民主”的制度环境以实现人民主权;建立公共财政,为政府行政提供强有力的财力支持;通过听证、回避等具体的行政程序的设定和行政复议、行政诉讼等救济方式保护行政相对人的合法权益。     

Rumble in Paradise: The Caribbean Court of Justice Creating Waves in International Law after British Caribbean Bank v Belize

On 25 June 2013, the Caribbean Court of Justice denied a motion to halt the proceedings of an international arbitration between British Caribbean Bank (BCB) and the Government of Belize, and instead granted BCB the right to continue with the arbitration proceedings. The ruling is particularly important as it sheds light on the anti-arbitration principle – a feature known mostly to Common law – and the still troubled area of expropriation in relation to bilateral investment treaties. In this case comment, I will provide an overview of those main points and assess what implications there are under international law. Specifically, this comment also develops a notion of financial property, and asses under what circumstances financial property can be expropriated in light of bilateral investment treaties. The focus on financial property is to both generate a discussion and also raise more questions on problematic clauses in investment treaties.