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1.
Raymond J. Struyk 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2002,15(4):625-638
Transnational networks of think tanks are a new and growing phenomenon. Existing networks can be classified into three groups depending on their primary goal, incentives they give for think tanks to participate, basis for membership, and the degree of network coherence. This paper examines eight specific tasks that managers of think tank networks must address and how the tasks differ according to the four characteristics of the network just listed. 相似文献
2.
Arijit Mazumdar 《Contemporary Politics》2012,18(3):286-302
Maintaining regional supremacy and stability and denying extra-regional actors a military foothold in South Asia have long been key objectives of India's regional policy. In pursuance of these objectives, India displayed a willingness to undertake coercive action against its smaller South Asian neighbours. Evidence of this is seen in the military intervention in Sri Lanka (1987–1990) and a virtual economic blockade of Nepal (1989–1990). However, during the past decade, India appeared to draw away from such overt interventionist policies and even accepted outside actors like Norway and the United Nations being involved in the peace process in Sri Lanka (2002–2006) and Nepal (2006–2011), respectively. Notwithstanding India's apparent shift in behaviour, these actions do not represent a fundamental change in the country's traditional policy towards the region. 相似文献
3.
The special issue ‘Fragile States: A Political Concept’ investigates the emergence, dissemination and reception of the notion of ‘state fragility’. It analyses the process of conceptualisation, examining how the ‘fragile states’ concept was framed by policy makers to describe reality in accordance with their priorities in the fields of development and security. The contributors to the issue investigate the instrumental use of the ‘state fragility’ label in the legitimisation of Western policy interventions in countries facing violence and profound poverty. They also emphasise the agency of actors ‘on the receiving end’, describing how the elites and governments in so-called ‘fragile states’ have incorporated and reinterpreted the concept to fit their own political agendas. A first set of articles examines the role played by the World Bank, the oecd, the European Union and the g7+ coalition of ‘fragile states’ in the transnational diffusion of the concept, which is understood as a critical element in the new discourse on international aid and security. A second set of papers employs three case studies (Sudan, Indonesia and Uganda) to explore the processes of appropriation, reinterpretation and the strategic use of the ‘fragile state’ concept. 相似文献
4.
AbstractThe volume that we introduce breaks with the prevalent tendency in International Relations (IR) scholarship to treat rising powers (such as China, Russia, India and Brazil) as unitary actors in international politics. Although a neat demarcation of the domestic and international domains, on which the notion of unitary agency is premised, has always been a myth, these states’ uneven integration into the global political economy has eroded this perspective’s empirical purchase considerably. Instead, this collection advances the concept of ‘state transformation’ as a useful lens through which to examine rising power states’ foreign policymaking and implementation. State transformation refers to the pluralisation of cross-border state agency via contested and uneven processes of fragmentation, decentralisation and internationalisation of state apparatuses. The volume demonstrates the significance of state transformation processes for explaining some of these states’ most important foreign policy agendas, and outlines the implications for the wider field in IR. 相似文献
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6.
The reported rise in radicalism among youth in Pakistan since 9/11/2001 has been attributed to religious education in madrasas and schools. However, education in Pakistan is only part of the historical and contemporary forces that contribute to the prevailing exclusivist religio-political discourse. Although most policy papers have recommended a secularization of public education, such efforts by the Pakistani Government have been counterproductive. These efforts by the Pakistani Government to reshape education, with massive funding from international donors, have faced strong opposition and there are signs of psychological reactance as evidenced by even greater levels of religious radicalism among Pakistani youth. The current study suggests a viable alternative for reshaping education in Pakistan. A nationwide survey of educated urban youth (N = 386) conducted by the first author, revealed that when considering radical religious, Western secular and liberal religious ideas, Pakistani youth were overwhelmingly supportive of a liberal religious approach to education that highlights an inclusive Islam emphasizing freedom and compassion. Findings have implications for Government reforms, peace education initiatives and long-term conflict transformation in Pakistan. 相似文献
7.
Derick W. Brinkerhoff 《Third world quarterly》2014,35(2):333-344
Conceptualising state fragility and failure as a wicked problem set reveals the complex, ill-defined and interdependent nature of the reality behind these labels. This essay builds on the contributions to this special issue by examining why the fragile/failed state concept remains in good currency despite its analytic weaknesses. The discussion reveals that the parsing of state fragility into its component parts and the development of related indicators reflect efforts to tame the wickedness of the problem set; this has led to peace-building and state-building interventions whose plans and actions do not effectively take account of what is necessary to achieve their intended aims. A better problem-solving match would look beyond naming and taming, incorporating lessons from the implementation literature and international development practice. However, achieving this would depend upon the political will of both labellers and the labelled. 相似文献
8.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2017,4(1):141-146
As Myanmar readies itself for the second national conference on its ‘new’ peace process in February 2017, an update on outstanding issues with Myanmar's peace process may be timely. It is hardly surprising that, despite the months of preparation for the second Panglong Conference in August or September 2016, there was little or no change in the realities on the ground in Myanmar during the year: armed incidents between the Burmese military and armed ethnic groups continued in the days leading up to that conference, whether or not official ceasefires had been signed; armed groups that had sparred with each other regularly continued to do so; and in some cases, clashes occurred between groups that had not actually fought each other for many years. 相似文献
9.
Mika Aaltola 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(2):257-276
Studies of small state foreign policy tend to draw relatively bleak conclusions when it comes to small state agency. However, I will examine alternative and more positive modalities of small state agency. One such modality is agility, the strategic maneuverability to take advantage of a chancy environment. Besides leading to dangerous rigidities and biases, particular types of foreign policy imageries and heuristics may also facilitate experimental and agile agency. In studying this possibility, Finland is chosen as an illustrative case because historically Finland has faced a particularly constraining geopolitical context and because it has managed to adapt to multiple upheavals and to different geopolitical contexts. The emphasis is on the heuristic dynamics inherent in Finnish foreign policy culture that have allowed it to actively meet the emerging challenges. Instead of taking a detailed historical approach, I seek to understand the role of the relatively flexible and combinable embodied cultural models, i.e. thick images. They allow for agency-related experimentation that may bring added value that allows Finland to exceed the constraints of the brute geopolitical position. After reviewing multiple embodied foreign policy images, I will use them to analyse New Year's speeches by the Finnish Presidents Ahtisaari and Halonen in order to see how the fickle present is made to resonate innovatively with the known, commonplace, and mythical. 相似文献
10.
Noah B. Taylor 《Journal of Peace Education》2019,16(3):339-354
ABSTRACTIn this article I explore the role of transpersonal consciousness in Peace Education. Following the framework of transrational peace philosophy, I discuss the dynamics between the spiritual and policitary layers and their relevance in preparing for elicitive teaching, curriculum design, and developing pedagogical approaches. I use my personal experiences in elicitive peace education to elucidate opportunities for the practical application of transpersonal consciousness in the classroom. This article concludes that in Peace Education, engaging with the transpersonal layer supports deeper transformations within and beyond the classroom that includes shifting of personal awareness and deepening of perspectives, as well as the capacity for the group to become a resource for learning. 相似文献
11.
This essay analyzes Colombian foreign policy over the last three decades with specific emphasis on Bogota's peace diplomacy from 1978 up to 2000 in the context of an ongoing and degrading internal war. Initially, it assumes a modified realist perspective that links international relations with domestic structures. Then, the text defines three models of Colombian peaceful diplomacy according to the purposes, the means, and the rationales employed by the administrations that covered the above-mentioned period. After empirically evaluating the governments of Presidents Turbay, Betancur, Barco, Gaviria, and Samper and the first two years of the presidency of Pastrana, the article concludes with an assessment of the country's peace diplomacy and its impact on internal violence and instability. The foreign policies of the six different mandates show that Colombia never developed an overall, consensual state strategy towards peace, that the multiple peaceful diplomacies were partially successful in terms of sustaining the political regime and that, notwithstanding the latter, the successive governments failed to achieve a genuine resolution to domestic war. Finally, the article calls for a serious, active, and simultaneous state foreign policy and citizen's diplomacy in favor of peace. 相似文献
12.
Jooyoun Lee 《Asian Politics & Policy》2011,3(4):527-550
This article examines why Japan decided to promote an international development nongovernmental organization (IDNGO) policy in 1989. While Reimann's 2003 and 2010 analyses argue that international norms and pressure account for the establishment of this policy, I find that domestic actors' interpretations and policy processes significantly contributed to producing it. I argue that the IDNGO policy reflects a shift in policy‐makers' perceptions of Japanese identity from a “merchant nation” to a “leader.” This reconstruction entails new sets of interests regarding building a positive global reputation and friendly relationships not only with other states, but also with “grassroots” citizens at home and abroad. This study highlights that identity is changeable and that domestic policy processes and actors need to be taken into more serious consideration. Demonstrating the importance of NGOs and grassroots people in constructing Japanese state identity, this article suggests that targets of recognition in international relations go beyond the state level. 相似文献
13.
Coordination and control in Russia’s foreign policy: travails of Putin’s curators in the near abroad
Daria Isachenko 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1479-1495
AbstractThis article seeks to challenge the conception of the Russian state as being centred on Vladimir Putin by looking at the actors implementing Russia’s foreign policy in its near abroad. In particular, it explores the activities of curators (kuratory), a term applied in Russia to describe officials tasked with making things work often bypassing, and sometimes competing with, formal institutions. Following the state transformation framework, the argument put forward in the article is that curation (kuratorstvo), as a practice of coordination and control in Russia’s system of governance, can be seen as a manifestation of fragmentation and internationalisation of Russia’s foreign policy making. The empirical basis for this article is a case study of Russia’s policy towards Abkhazia, which Russia officially recognised as a sovereign state in 2008. This article addresses the involvement of curators in their attempts to exert political influence as an expression of fragmentation as well as emerging institutionalised curation in development assistance as a part of internationalisation. 相似文献
14.
Babak Mohammadzadeh 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1571-1589
AbstractSaudi politics is commonly portrayed as reflecting a system of centralised personal rule in which decision-making power trickles down from the tightly knit power circles within the House of Saud. In contrast, this paper draws attention to the empowerment of quasi-autonomous state organisations in Saudi Arabia as a result of state transformation and regional integration. At its most extreme, state transformation in Saudi Arabia has created institutional and regulatory enclaves with vested interests and areas of competence that cross Saudi borders. This paper illustrates the foreign policy ramifications of transformed statehood in Saudi attempts to further Gulf regional integration in the context of the Gulf Monetary Union project. 相似文献
15.
The growing number of actors involved in China's international activities has led to fractured authority in foreign policy decision‐making. Actors vie for the attention of senior officials to promote their interests on any specific issue. As a result, decision making is often a slow process; there are multiple channels of information, and actors appeal to public opinion to support their claims. Since 2012, Xi Jinping has taken charge of all foreign policy related decision‐making bodies in what appears to be an attempt to improve coordination of interest groups. A slight shift to a more personified foreign policy than during the Hu or Jiang eras has also taken place. In this paper, we describe how foreign policy decisions should be made in China according to formal rules; next, we take into account the reality of how the Chinese political system deals with China's evolving international role. We conclude by assessing the risks of fragmentation, on the one hand, and Xi's efforts to recentralise foreign policy, on the other hand. 相似文献
16.
《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2013,11(3-4):11-28
SUMMARY This study brings to light the phenomenon of aging in the West Indian migrant community in the United States. It presents the results of a cross-sectional exploratory survey of 107 community-dwelling West Indian women aged 55 years and over living in the Greater Hartford region of Connecticut. The data analysis reveals positive self-reports of health and few limiting or disabling conditions. However, there is substantial income inequality, a negative relationship between age group and income and limited use of services among those women most likely to require them. The findings suggest that some of the qualities which contributed to West Indians becoming the “Black success model” in the U.S. may be counterproductive for successful aging. A community-based strategy for addressing these issues is outlined. 相似文献
17.
Robert P. Hager 《Communist and Post》2019,52(1):51-57
Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War; Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order; and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers. 相似文献
18.
Marie Lall 《Contemporary Politics》2012,18(1):71-86
The research investigates young Pakistanis' self-articulation of their relationship with the state and what factors play a role in determining their views. The article argues that beyond the issues traditionally seen as causing the instability of the Pakistani state (which include sectarian and ethnic faultlines as well as the role of the army), there is another – between ordinary citizens and the state. Although there are provincial differences, people at large feel alienated by the state and the concept of citizenship has become hazy as it is often mixed up with the issue of identity. Given the paucity of rights and responsibilities and the lack of political participation, the problems across Pakistani society are ever increasing. The research used a mixed methods approach and 1300 questionnaires were collected in 27 different education institutions across three provinces. On aggregate response the research found that there is a high sense of belonging to the nation, yet paradoxically also a high sense of alienation with regard to the state. Whilst most of those surveyed professed awareness of their rights and duties, as well as political awareness, political participation was very low. The qualitative section of the questionnaire exemplified the level of alienation and anger felt by many across the various institutions and provinces. 相似文献
19.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(1):94-110
This paper is a cautiously sympathetic treatment of conspiracy theory in Pakistan, relating it to Marxist theories of the state, structural functionalism and Machiavellian realism in international relations. Unlike moralising mainstream news reports describing terrorism in terms of horrific events and academic research endlessly lamenting the ‘failure’, ‘weakness’ and mendacity of the Pakistani state, conspiracy theory has much in common with realism in its cynical disregard for stated intentions and insistence on the primacy of inter-state rivalry. It contains a theory of the postcolonial state as part of a wider international system based on class-conspiracy, wedding imperial interests to those of an indigenous elite, with little concern for preserving liberal norms of statehood. Hence we consider some forms of conspiracy theory a layperson’s theory of the capitalist state, which seeks to explain history with reference to global and domestic material forces, interests and structures shaping outcomes, irrespective of political actors’ stated intentions. While this approach may be problematic in its disregard for intentionality and ideology, its suspicion of the notion that the ‘War on Terror’ should be read morally as a battle between states and ‘non-state actors’ is understandable – especially when technological and political-economic changes have made the importance of impersonal economic forces driving towards permanent war more relevant than ever. 相似文献
20.
Ronald H. Hinckley 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(6):387-399
Abstract Using a variety of public opinion sources, this article explores American attitudes during the two Reagan administrations toward terrorism. It establishes the salience of terrorism in the public's mind, the perceived causes of terrorism, opinion about preventing future terrorist incidents, and attitudes on negotiating with terrorists. The paper also examines sentiments about military retaliation options and reviews beliefs about media coverage of terrorism. In this overall attitudinal context, the study touches on the theoretical relationship between public opinion and foreign policymaking, contending that the American public is responsible and sensible enough to comprehend the general nuances and basic complexities of an issue such as terrorism. Public opinion is judged to be a capable and logical determinant in foreign policy formation. The paper also concludes that there must be some symmetry between U.S. policy and public opinion on the issue for the policy to be effective. 相似文献