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Ontological security theory (OST) provides a unique account of how state Self-identity is formed and reformed in international relations. OST postulates that state Self-identity is usefully understood by inquiring into the foundation of a state's sense of Self: its autobiographical narrative. We seek to amend this line of argument by further suggesting that the autobiographical narratives of states are ‘gendered’. Feminist theorizing about the relationship between gender and power implies that the dominant autobiographical narrative of state Self-identity is ‘gendered’ masculine. The power of this masculinized autobiographical narrative flows from an ‘internal othering’ process of counter ‘feminine’ autobiographical narratives that exist alongside the masculinized autobiographical narrative. Our goal is to suggest that opportunities do arise for counter ‘feminine’ narratives to challenge the dominant autobiographical narrative due to their interdependence and we explicate two practices by which masculinized narratives can be engaged, challenged and disrupted. 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):151-198
This paper describes the development of the international military situation over the past three decades and explores the potential for its transformation under different assumptions regarding economic conditions and the character of international relations. Using newly derived indices in the conventional military area, an assessment is made of the shifting tides in the power, threat and security situation that has confronted twenty‐five important states in the international system during the recent past. The past is then contrasted with some possible alternative developments. These developments are assayed using a global simulation model, GLOBUS, developed at the Science Center Berlin. 相似文献
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童伟 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2010,(4)
设立财政稳定基金,将政府在资源丰沛期获得的一部分超额收入存储起来,以备资源枯竭时使用,这是化解财政收支不可持续性带来的财政风险,保持政府预算长期稳定的一种有效办法。出于这一目的,同时也为了抑制流动性过剩、降低通货膨胀压力、减轻国民经济对能源的依赖,俄罗斯于2004年开设稳定基金。短短几年内,国际原油价格的持续攀升为俄罗斯稳定基金带来了丰厚的收入。在本次金融危机全球蔓延、世界经济全面下行的情况下,储备充沛的俄罗斯稳定基金有效地发挥了平抑经济波动、减缓经济衰退、加速经济复苏、保障国家预算平衡、防范财政金融危机发生的积极功效。 相似文献
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Tanvi Pate 《India Review》2018,17(3):320-351
In 2011, India and Afghanistan signed the Strategic Partnership Agreement that delimited cooperation in economic, social, political, and cultural areas. It depicted the rise of Indian soft power influence. However, the extent to which India garners strategic influence in Afghanistan through soft power remains contentious. This article contends that India’s soft power effectiveness in Afghanistan post-2011 can be fully grasped only via the construction and reception of India’s regional power identity negotiated at the sites of: “civilization,” “democracy,” and “economic-military” enabling India to provide a regional leadership that can forward both India and Afghanistan’s mutual interests. Examining soft power via the constructivist-discursive framework of collective identity strategic narrative, this article compares India-Afghanistan relations in periods 2011–14 and 2014–17. The former formalized strategic partnership agreement and the latter marked continuation of the agreement albeit through domestic political transitions in both countries. This article demonstrates that the Indian soft power influence in Afghanistan between 2014 and 2017 has increased markedly. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThis Special Issue seeks to better understand the role of communication and perception in EU crisis diplomacy. In a recent Special Issue in this journal, Catarina Kinnvall, Ian Manners and Jennifer Mitzen argue that, “?…?the greatest security challenge facing people across Europe is not physical, despite the threats of Putin and ISIS, but is a sense of fear and anxiety over their daily lives” [2018. Introduction to 2018 Special Issue of European Security: “Ontological (in)security in the European Union”. European security, 27 (3), 249–265]. We take an interdisciplinary approach to widen the scope of studies on European security and offer new avenues for further research into how citizens in the EU’s neighbourhood understand the security challenges they face and the role the EU plays in addressing these. Through this, we aim to bring theoretical and methodological innovation to understanding the role of the EU as an external actor. 相似文献
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Kyle Grayson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2008,21(3):383-401
This article interrogates the parameters of the human security debate as a site of biopolitics in order to gain an understanding of how it has been possible to shape the debate in certain ways and not others. The role of cosmological realism in grounding knowledge claims within the debate is explored. By privileging objectivist claims to knowledge of human (in)security, it is argued that empiricism and rationalism, as forms of cosmological realism, foster the production of logics which facilitate forms of biopolitical intervention. The quest for precision, measurement, causality and policy relevance that define the production of human security knowledge is shown to have important political effects beyond the definitional debate itself in terms of agency, normalcy, and the scope for intervention. Therefore, this article demonstrates how the demarcation of human security as a field of knowledge is a process pregnant with relations of power that are important to understanding contemporary political dynamics. 相似文献
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William J. Olson 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):146-162
One of the principal challenges facing individual states and the international community is the threat of ungovernability, of the declining ability of governments to govern. This comes in two forms, the rise of a range of internal economic, social, and political problems beyond the ability of governments to cope with; and actions of governments that increasingly alienate their citizens. Ethnic, religious, and political upheavals that leave millions dead or homeless and require increasing international intervention to deal with have become features of the international political landscape. Among the most serious challenges to the stability of governments and to the possibility of sustainable democratic institutions is the rise of various international criminal organizations able to defy local governments and to operate with great freedom across international community does not respond. There must be an effort to strengthen institutions and capabilities to deal with the growing problem of organized crime and ungovernability. 相似文献
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This paper explores the logic behind US and Japanese approachesto regional security and the prospects for a more comprehensiveco-operative security order in the Asia-Pacific. The currentsecurity order in the region bears the marks of long-establishedand distinctive American and Japanese approaches. These approachesdo hold out some hope in building a more inclusive and co-operativeorder, but for years to come the Asia-Pacific will be a regionthat will exist somewhere between a balance of power and a community-basedsecurity order. 相似文献
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Catarina Kinnvall 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2019,32(3):283-302
AbstractIn an era increasingly defined by insecurity and populist politics, India has emerged as a forceful ontological security provider under the leadership of Marendra Modi. If ontological security is about finding a safe (imagined) haven, then ontological insecurity is about the lack of such a space in narrative terms. Drawing on Lacanian understandings of ‘the imaginary’ as something that can fill and naturalize this lack of space, the article is concerned with how memories, places and symbols of narrative identity constructions are used in populist discourse. More specifically, it attempts to understand the relationship between ontological insecurity and the imaginaries of populist politics in India. In so doing, it argues that the re-invention of ‘nationhood’, ‘religion’ and ‘Hindu masculinity’ along gendered lines has created a foundation for governing practices aimed at ‘healing’ a number of ontological insecurities manifest in Indian society. It specifically looks at how the Modi doctrine has formulated and expanded its foreign policy discourse into one that privileges populist narratives of nativism, nationalism and religion as forms of ontological security provision at home and abroad, but also how everyday practices can challenge such narratives, thus allowing different imaginaries of the Indian state. 相似文献
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Gary Winslett 《冲突、安全与发展》2015,15(3):283-309
When a river passes through multiple states, to what extent are those states able to co-operate over or come into conflict over that shared water source? To address this question, I build on previous literature that emphasised benefit sharing, securitisation narratives and basin-level hydro-hegemony to advance an ontologically and strategically sequential framework for understanding shared river relations. I apply that framework to explain the changes in the hydro-political relationship between Turkey and Syria with regard to the Euphrates River. From 1980 to 1998, the policy-makers in both states saw use of the Euphrates as helping the government achieve high priority political goals and perceived full usage of that water to be the only means of doing so. Therefore, they both securitised the issue of Euphrates water usage to a significant degree. This mutual securitisation drove the two states toward greater conflict. After 2000, each state found substitute means for those same goals and so reduced its securitisation of Euphrates water usage. This reduced securitisation facilitated greater co-operation between them. 相似文献
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Don Oberdorfer, The Two Koreas (New York: Addison‐Wesley, 1998), xvii, 472 pp./$30.00 cloth; Leon V. Sigal, Disarming Strangers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), xi, 321 pp./$29.95 cloth. 相似文献
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