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1.
    
《Labor History》2012,53(1):40-56
The 1936–1937 General Motors sit-down strike may be the most famous work stoppage in American history. The victory in Flint so heartened workers that a veritable “sit-down fever” wave spread across America. But are labor scholars guilty of unintentionally spreading a Whiggish view of history? Just 7 weeks after the victory in Flint, Hershey Chocolate workers sat down. Within 7 days they were forcibly ejected from the factory and beaten by a mob. This article takes a look at the events in Hershey with an eye toward raising questions about the overall efficacy of sit-down strikes. Although it by no means wishes to diminish the heroism or the usefulness of the Flint sit-down, it argues that a balanced look at the past requires a deeper look into the strikes that failed. The question is of the utmost importance for the contemporary labor movement, as some activists have called for a revival of sit-down militancy as a tactic for organized labor to reverse decades of decline. This may not be wise strategy, as past sit-down strikes are too narrowly filtered through the triumphant lens of Flint.  相似文献   

2.
开滦煤矿是中国近代较大的工业企业之一,有数万产业工人,建矿后的几十年间,矿工进行了数十次罢工运动,沉重打击了晚清政府、英国资本家、日本帝国主义和国民党反动派的反动统治,在中国民主革命时期工人运动史上占有极其重要的地位。  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

This article examines anti-sectarianism and the technopolitics of labor mobilization at the facilities of the Trans-Arabian Pipeline (Tapline) company in Lebanon between 1950 and 1964. It argues that although Tapline helped sustain a Lebanese elite strategy of cross-sectarian power-sharing, it also unintentionally fostered specifically anti-sectarian labor mobilization. Pursuing a line of inquiry into the technopolitics of worker mobilization around oil infrastructure opened by Timothy Mitchell’s Carbon Democracy, this article specifically examines how Lebanese Tapline workers construed their actions, and did so in anti-sectarian terms. It also proposes that similar studies of labor and the technopolitics of infrastructure could offer productive avenues for inquiry into the origins of anti-sectarian politics in Lebanon.  相似文献   

4.
5.
Race and Class     
《Labor History》2012,53(4):486-494
This article examines the rise of the Independent Workers Union (IWU) in Ireland, North and South, in relation to the bifurcation of trade unionism on the Island, from 1900 until the demise of the so-called Celtic tiger in the early years of the twenty-first century. It is argued that two competing ideological and political trajectories defined the major divisions in the Irish labour movement and where given added impetus with the formation of two separate states after 1920. One tradition was committed to an idea of a progressive British empire, while the other was born of a movement linking together trade union, class and national autonomy. A trade union with a long history and recent past, the IWU represents a labour movement formation whose tradition extends the latter: it is committed to developing forms of opposition to state and capital. If more subdued since the partition of the island, this tradition was reignited with the implosion of Social Partnership in the South and the rise of the new sectarianism in the North. Neoliberalism, with its consequent assault upon labour and its various institutions more broadly, provided additional impetus to the creation of the IWU in 2004. The article also assesses its various alternative union and community organising strategies.  相似文献   

6.
马克思在《1857—1858 年经济学手稿》中对资本权力的批判呈现出系统的劳动话语。以唯物史观考察雇佣劳动的历史生成,劳动者历经三重否定丧失生产资料和生活资料,并在双重自由下一无所有,最终被赶往劳动力市场。以雇佣劳动的被支配权考察资本与劳动的对立统一关系:在对立意义上,活劳动保存和转移旧价值的能力表现为资本的自我保存力,劳动联合的生产力表现为资本的生产力;二者的统一表现为不对等的双向依赖关系。在特定语境中以死劳动、对象化劳动、非生产劳动、总体劳动指代资本。以劳动在客观劳动条件、自身劳动能力、劳动产品面前的异化揭露资本对劳动的剥削。资本是“活生生的矛盾”,创造出消灭自身的条件,并推动无产阶级联合,促成无产阶级“利用资本消灭资本”,进而使一般劳动与自由时间回归劳动者自身。以劳动话语审视资本,不仅提供了资本权力批判的另一视角,而且对推进当代无产阶级联合和社会关系变革有重要启示。  相似文献   

7.
Brian Marren 《Labor History》2016,57(4):463-481
As the 20th anniversary of the 1995–1998 Liverpool Dockers’ Strike approaches, this case of industrial action should not be dismissed as a reminder of yet another nail in the coffin of organised labour. Rather, this event needs to be viewed more optimistically in hindsight as a symbol that working-class consciousness and systems of solidarity had not vanished entirely from Britain after the crushing collapse of domestic manufacturing and the fall of the miners in 1985. Indeed, the Liverpool dockers invented a fresh campaign of industrial action at this time, led more from the ‘bottom-up’ than most other labour protests in the past. Fuelled by a cognisant awareness of both community and workplace experience within the context of popular historical memory, this industrial action played significant roles in reconfiguring and adapting solidarity in this new era of rentier, global capitalism. It is appropriate we recall working-class militancy in a city whose own historical narrative is often described as ‘exceptional’ when one reflects upon Liverpool’s long entrenched culture of opposition.  相似文献   

8.
    
《Labor History》2012,53(1):1-19
Australia and South Africa are the only countries to have mined crocidolite or blue asbestos. Crocidolite was mined at Wittenoom in Western Australia from 1944 until 1966. Although production levels were modest, Wittenoom has become the site of Australia's worst occupational health disaster. The labour regimes in South Africa and Wittenoom were very different and yet the rates of occupational disease were probably similar. The hazards facing miners arose from the nature of the labour process, the technologies of production and the limitations of state regulation.  相似文献   

9.
    
《Labor History》2012,53(3):292-307
This article seeks to examine two inter-related dynamics, the relationship between the international dispersion of apparel production and labor control regimes, and the relationship between labor control regimes and patterns of worker resistance. The article argues that where apparel production has concentrated in the last decade has as much to do with labor control regimes as with wages and other economic factors. It suggests that there are three main labor control regimes in the sector: state control, market despotism, and employer repression. The article then argues that these systems of labor control are conducive to three patterns of worker resistance: wildcat strikes, international accords, and cross-border campaigns. The article explores these arguments by examining examples of apparel global supply chains in Vietnam, Bangladesh, and Honduras.  相似文献   

10.
    
While most accounts of the Dublin Lockout of 1913–1914 consider it primarily as an event in Irish history, it was also one of the most important struggles in twentieth-century British history. It was influenced by, and was an integral part of the great ‘labour unrest’ that swept over Britain in the years 1911–1914 and had tremendous repercussions in Britain as well as Ireland. This article provides much neglected analysis of the nature, extent and dynamics of the solidarity campaign that was generated on the British mainland for the Lockout (probably the only other comparable event was the national miners’ strike of 1984–1985), the reasons why such widespread support was forthcoming and its broader implications for understanding the strengths and weaknesses of militant trade unionism in Britain during this period. It provides a comprehensive re-examination of the historical record and offers a critical analysis of existing predominant historiographical interpretations of the dispute. In the process, the article provides new insights into the potential and limits of Jim Larkin’s campaign to secure sympathetic industrial action inside the British labour movement, the refusal of the Trades Union Congress to support such an initiative and the inability of rank-and-file and socialist militants to overcome the entrenched resistance of the official union leadership.  相似文献   

11.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):657-675
Abstract

In this paper, we put forward a theoretical framework for understanding a positive relationship between labor laws and innovation and rigorously test it against both historical and empirical data. We show how several periods in the economic history of the United States – like the increase in slave-field hand productivity in cotton picking in the Antebellum South, the transition in the North from artisanal shops to nonmechanized factories, the increase in productivity in mechanized textile factories in the Northeast in the late Antebellum period, and the increase in productivity in sharecropping after the Civil War – can be understood, at least partially, through our theoretical framework. To build further support for the framework, we empirically analyze how change in labor laws during the early twentieth century affected patent issuance by state. And we also look at how changes in worker power, as proxied by strike activity, affected patent issuance by industry between the early twentieth century and 1980.  相似文献   

12.
加入WTO对我国劳动力素质的挑战   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
劳动力素质是一个国家经济增长与发展的重要源泉和推动力 ,也是竞争能力的重要构成部分。中国劳动力素质整体水平偏低 ,加入WTO对我国劳动力素质提出了严峻挑战。  相似文献   

13.
劳动是人之所以成为人的根本,亦是劳动教育之所以成为教育的前提.从马克思恩格斯将生产劳动上升到\"人类社会存在的第一个前提\",到毛泽东主张\"教育必须同生产劳动相结合\",再到习近平以高远的历史唯物主义视野对劳动本质进行深入探索,以坚定的信念树立劳动精神,以发展的眼光审视劳动教育,都充分展现了马克思主义劳动观的深刻内涵和马克思...  相似文献   

14.
通过游戏模组创作劳动,游戏模组创作者能够在原生游戏的基础上造就次生游戏。而游戏模组创作者通过劳动生产出的游戏模组与次生游戏能够满足玩家对原生游戏的个性化想象,由此,游戏模组创作劳动能够折射玩家对原生游戏的态度。游戏厂商为了激活玩家的游玩活跃度,需要获取玩家的信息,因而需要利用游戏模组创作劳动。在这一基础上,游戏模组创作劳动成为连接游戏厂商与玩家的中介,游戏模组创作者成为“编外游戏开发者”。值得注意的是,模组创作者能够通过劳动生产出的游戏模组为自己累积一定的经济资源与社会资源,从而在游戏生态内掌握一定的话语权。这意味着,游戏模组创作劳动突破了原生游戏对玩家的规制,重构了游戏场域内的权力关系。  相似文献   

15.
科学的劳动观和劳动教育思想,是列宁思想体系中的重要组成部分。本研究对列宁劳动教育思想及其实践路径进行了分析和梳理。研究认为,列宁的劳动教育思想深刻揭示了劳动对人的成长的决定性作用,阐明了苏维埃政权下劳动教育的内容、方法和战略地位,并通过实践的大力推动,在全社会逐渐形成了劳动光荣的良好氛围,为培养一代共产主义青年提供了理论指导和实践指向。列宁劳动教育思想的当代启示体现在:首先,劳动教育是培养社会主义建设者和接班人的根本战略任务;其次,新时代大中小学劳动教育的关键在于理论和实践的高度统一;再次,劳动教育的内容和方法要与时俱进、勇于创新;最后,劳动教育要形成“学校、家庭、社会”三位一体的教育合力。  相似文献   

16.
科学技术是贯穿人类社会发展始终的根本性力量。它推动生产力与生产关系、经济基础与上层建筑的矛盾运动,推动社会的发展。工人阶级是当代社会劳动者集体的杰出代表,不仅是当代社会变革的主体,也是当代科技革命的主体。  相似文献   

17.
实践中存在着大量的事实劳动关系,而法律又未对事实劳动关系的概念、范围等问题作出明确界定.因此,有些事实劳动关系在审理实践中难以认定,为保护劳动者的正当权益,我们应当厘清关于事实劳动关系的一些基本问题,并继续完善与之相关的法律制度.  相似文献   

18.
劳动在马克思主义理论中占据着重要地位.斯密揭示了劳动是价值的源泉,但他仅仅视劳动为积累财富的手段,赞美能带来资本增殖的“生产性劳动”而贬低“非生产性劳动”;黑格尔继承了斯密的劳动观,并从哲学高度提出“劳动创造人”的全新命题,但他唯一承认的劳动只是抽象的精神劳动.马克思恩格斯扬弃了斯密和黑格尔的劳动概念,把劳动与人的本质...  相似文献   

19.
劳动关系集体化转型是劳动关系结构和调整方式发展的必然趋势,但目前我国集体劳动关系尚未形成。我国劳动关系集体化转型不能依赖于工人自发的集体行动,劳动关系深层结构调整需要政府的合理干预。与市场经济国家先通过集体劳动关系立法、然后规范自发的工会组建与集体行动过程、逐步完善集体劳动关系调整机制的路径不同,我国劳动关系集体化转型只能在政府主导下通过\"顶层设计\",首先要完成体制内企业工会职能的变革,在此基础上构建集体劳动关系法律体系,从而推动形成集体劳动关系调整机制。  相似文献   

20.
劳动模范是中国共产党践行马克思主义劳动观而培养的理想人格的代表,对社会发展发挥了不可替代的作用。从马克思主义劳动观视角审视以申纪兰为代表的劳动模范的生成过程,研究发现,劳动是贯穿始终的线索:劳动孕育了劳模,是申纪兰获得劳模身份的基础条件;劳动彰显了人的主体性,促进了劳模的成长,是申纪兰的劳模身份得以延伸与拓展的内在动力;劳动使人获得解放与自由全面的发展,是申纪兰发挥劳模作用的基本方式。纵观申纪兰的一生,以其为代表的劳动模范是个体与乡村、国家三方良性互动的结果,而三者又在这种互动关系中获得了各自的发展。因此,在新时代,尊重劳动、推崇模范,充分发挥劳动模范的榜样示范和精神引领作用,对个人与社会发展具有极为重要的意义。  相似文献   

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