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There is no question that peace and health are inextricably linked. War affects human health through the direct violence of military arms and through the structural violence that leads to major interruptions of the socio-economic systems people use to address their health needs. Those disruptions are compounded by natural disasters and manifold vulnerabilities that force countries to divert economic resources from health services. Clearly war and violence are a public health concern. We argue here that not only can health be a bridge to peace, but as well, what the world is witnessing now is the emergence and growth of health diplomacy which can potentially become a robust medium for strengthening that nexus between health and peace. 相似文献
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Neil Arya 《Peace Review》2019,31(2):178-189
From the time of Florence Nightingale, humanitarian health and aid workers have dedicated themselves to the welfare of patients outside of their own communities, nobly sacrificing their own safety, economic well being, mental health, and sometimes even life. They witness and deal with the human consequences of violent conflict and care for those that are directly affected by it. Dedicated humanitarian professionals such as Albert Schweitzer, Henri Dunant, founder of the Red Cross, and James Orbinski, representing Médecins sans Frontières (MSF), all accepted Nobel Peace Prizes for such work. The primary mission during natural and “human-made” disasters may be to assist persons in need, to shine a ray of hope, and to create humanitarian space, but health professionals in particular, are also potentially in influential positions to promote peace. With their direct involvement in healing they have a certain credibility with the global community, which can contribute to their influence as advocates for peace, whether through raising awareness of relevant issues with the general public or specific interest groups, or by influencing decision makers directly. 相似文献
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David Kauzlarich 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(1):67-85
A hallmark of critical criminology is its critique of the traditional definition of crime. For decades, critical scholars have proposed humanistic definitions of crime that bring state violence into the purview of academic criminology—although outside of critical criminology this is a matter of great contentiousness. This study investigates the views of those involved in peace activism, but not in any way associated with academic criminology, about the application of the term ‘crime’ to war, specifically the recent US war on Iraq. Given that there is no existing research on this subject, the article also examines how peace activists define crime generally and whether they believe those responsible for the war should be regarded as war criminals. Not surprisingly, semi‐structured interviews with 13 anti‐war activists reveal significant support for elements of critical criminological definitions of crime but an unexpected concern on the part of some that the application of the term ‘crime’ to war could be counterproductive in efforts to stop state violence. The rationales for this concern, as well as those for other issues addressed in the study, are largely presented in the interviewees’ own words. 相似文献
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Netherlands International Law Review - 相似文献
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为了摆脱现存治安违法与治安犯罪相脱节的状况 ,提出治安违法与治安犯罪一体化对策。主要从以下三方面进行探讨 :一、现存治安违法与治安犯罪的关系 ;二、现存治安违法与治安犯罪的区别及其带来的恶果 ;三、治安违法与治安犯罪一体化。 相似文献
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Fleeing persecution in 615, the disciples and followers of Prophet Muhammad found refuge in Africa. In this “First Hijrah,” or migration, they had escaped Mecca and sought safety in Aksum (now northern Ethiopia and Eritrea), the land of an African Christian king. It was a crucial moment in the development of Islam. Africa, a place of many religions, was seen, rightly, as a safe haven.Like Islam, Christianity had faced opposition and persecution in its early years. The practitioners of both religions knew firsthand what it meant to suffer violence from those who disagreed. How can it be that religions born of persecution are now themselves used for extreme violence? And why, specifically, in Africa today? How can Africans prevent and fight against extremism and what can we all learn from this experience? 相似文献
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Shoshana Pollack 《Critical Criminology》2005,13(1):71-87
The Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) has received international praise for its new policies with female prisoners serving
federal sentences of two or more years. Regarded as progressive, even radical, other countries have looked toward Canada for
inspiration in the design of their own policies [Carlen, (2002) Criminal Justice 2(2)]. CSC’s “women-centered” mental health agenda, however, while rhetorically progressive, remains consistent with disciplinary
processes which prioritize self-regulation and aim to correct or normalize those considered failed citizens [Kemshall, (2002),
The Howard Journal 41(1), 41–58]. Using Nicolas Rose’s concept of governance through self-regulation [Rose 1991, b Rose (1996). Inventing Ourselves:
Psychology, Power and Personhood. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Rose (2000). British Journal of Criminology 40, 321–339] as a theoretical framework, we argue that correctional mental health practices privileges a psychological discourse
which serves to regulate women prisoners as opposed to empowering or supporting them. We examine the over use of psychiatric
labelling of women, such as that of Boderline Personality Disorder, and the resulting treatment regime, Dialectical Behavior
Therapy, to illustrate that the CSC has constructed women prisoners as disorderly and disordered and thus in need of taming. This discussion is followed by recommendations for new directions in feminist mental health treatment for women in prison
that more adequately confront the inherent tensions and contradictions of prison therapeutic services and that incorporate
multi-faceted understandings of the mental health needs of women offenders. We conclude with some policy and research implications
of adopting a feminist informed mental health correctional strategy.
An erratum to this article is available at . 相似文献
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The lex talionis of the Old Testament has been widely perceived—understandably,but mistakenly—as a barbaric law of retribution in kind.It is better understood as a seminal expression of restraintand proportionality as moral principles of punishment. Thishas been recognized from the earliest times. Over the interveningcenturies, the lex talionis has lost neither its moral significancenor its penal relevance. This is reflected in H.L.A. Hart'ssynthesis of modern retributivist and utilitarian theories ofpunishment and, again, in contemporary Canadian law throughthe recognition of proportionality as the fundamental principleof sentencing under the Criminal Code. The tension between thisfundamental principle and Canada's increasing resort to mandatoryminimum sentences of imprisonment is examined briefly in thislight. 相似文献