人民精神生活共同富裕的样态要求与建构逻辑

人的全面发展、全体人民共同富裕、中华民族伟大复兴，指引着人民精神生活共同富裕三个层面的样态要求：个体层面表现为理性平和的心态、热情饱满的状态、努力奋斗的姿态，社会层面表现为对核心价值观念的高度认同、社会文明程度的全面提高、精神消费层次的普遍提升，国家层面表现为中国精神自信自强、中国价值深入人心、中国力量充分彰显。要扎实促进人民精神生活共同富裕，可以依循“充足、满足、知足”的逻辑进路，坚持“共享、共情、共建”的建构原则，形成“党员发动、榜样带动、组织推动”的精神文化发展局面。     

读者

商业的根本力量就在于“可复制”——微观层面,产品由此获得市场规模;中观层面,经理人由此变为一个阶层;宏观层面,企业成败由此成为群体命题。而目前中国,这种可复制最多只到一个半层面,原因何在?     

“吏”是如何扭曲制度的

因为“吏”的利益大多通过正常的制度化途径无法实现，法治化更会缩小其生存空间和获利可能，因此这个群体在政治上的需求就是国家政治体系的非制度化。     

中国共产党执政合法性:研究现状及其评价

近些年国内理论界大多从五个层面对中国共产党的执政合法性进行研究。其研究的意义可归结为“四个深化” ,即深化了对共产党执政规律的认识 ,深化了对“三个代表”重要思想的认识 ,深化了对建设社会主义政治文明必要性的认识 ,深化了对科学发展观的认识。其研究不足主要体现在 :照搬照套西方合法性理论的较多 ,进行多学科研究的较少 ,许多思想观点缺乏哲学层面的学理支持。     

统筹推进全球发展倡议与全球安全倡议的落实——基于制度化峰会的视角

全球发展倡议与全球安全倡议密切联系、不可分割，有必要协调推进全球发展倡议与全球安全倡议的落实。元首引领的制度化峰会提供了多层次、多角度和多元化的全球发展与安全治理平台，是中国协调推动两大倡议落实的重要路径。制度化峰会的形成与发展既有国际政治和权力结构变迁的历史逻辑，也有全球发展和安全挑战需要戮力合作的现实逻辑；既有个体收益与制度收益协调的理论逻辑，也有峰会扩散重叠的实践逻辑；既有国际制度的一般生成逻辑，也有制度化峰会的独特生成逻辑。中国推动制度化峰会的路径包括基于多边国际组织的制度化峰会、基于“中国+”合作机制的制度化峰会和基于国际倡议的制度化峰会。制度化峰会的价值功能、“经济—安全”议题并重属性、两大倡议的内在联系特征以及消除部分国家误解的现实需要共同决定了制度化峰会成为当前统筹推进两大倡议落实的可行路径。中国需要在既有峰会制度中积极落实两大倡议，推动两大倡议与制度化峰会的战略对接，在议题设置中统筹发展和安全，适时打造全球发展峰会和全球安全峰会。     

对两岸产业合作与产业联盟问题的探析

两岸经贸交流经过30多年的发展，显现出贸易依存度很高的特点，但在产业合作层面进展有限，两岸的产业分工与合作基本是两岸台资企业内部的循环，“台商与大陆当地产业体系关联度不高”。随着两岸ECFA的签订，两岸经济关系加快向正常化、制度化和机制化方向发展，     

改革,我们正在过大圈

广义而言,“土地”并不局限于物质层面。“我确定我就是那一只披着羊皮的狼,而你是我的猎物是我嘴里的羔羊”仿佛变成了这个转型时代的背景音乐。     

“微时代”背景下大学生电信网络诈骗分析及防范对策研究

伴随互联网信息技术的发展,高校成为电信网络诈骗的重灾区,预防大学生电信网络诈骗已经成为一项常态化防范工作。本文以当前网络媒体兴起的“微时代”为背景,分析电信网络诈骗的现状,探讨大学生遭受电信网络诈骗的特点和原因,针对实际形势和当前环境,从社会层面、高校层面、辅导员层面、学生个人层面提出具有一定理论性和操作性的防范措施,以期为提高大学生防骗意识和打造和谐的“无诈校园”提供思路及参考。     

新力量,新价值,新秩序

我们正处在一个重建秩序的时代。秩序从来就没有缺少,它只是需要更新;秩序也从来不会固定,固定了就意味着死亡。所以,我们也许永远都在建立秩序的过程中。即使如此,现在的新一轮重建也有足够的亮点值得我们特别关注。新力量在全面登场,新价值在全面涌现,新秩序在全面建立。“推陈出新”是这个时代的基调,“有破有立”是这个时代的特征。谁是“陈”,谁是“新”,谁被“破”,     

北京市总工会女职工委员会“首都女职工与时代同行”系列活动圆满结束

(本刊记者 郝君)日前,北京市总工会举办的“首都女职工与时代同行”系列活动圆满结束,并进行了各项评奖活动。评出“优秀征文组织单位”11个,“大讨论优秀组织单位”13个。评出“首都女职工与时代同行”征文一等奖10篇,二等奖22篇,三等奖30篇,优秀奖562篇。     

The State Elite,PRSPs and Policy Implementation in Aid-dependent Ghana

This article describes and explains the impact of the donor-driven Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) and the aid modalities surrounding it in Ghana. It focuses on the period in which the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government was in power from 2001 until 2008, but places this within the broader context of aid dependence in Ghana since the 1980s. It is argued that the PRSP documents produced by the government had little impact on implementing policy actions, but rather their function was to secure debt relief and the continuation of foreign aid from official donors. The article examines what was actually implemented during the NPP government and the factors that influenced those actions. More generally it highlights the constraints Ghanaian governments have faced in pursuing economic transformation within contemporary domestic and international contexts.     

Nyerere's Road to Socialism

The privatisation of Ashanti Goldfields Company (AGC) was an important part of Ghana’s neo-liberal reforms. Privatisation is explicitly intended to alter the balance of power between the public and private sector, and the process revealed much about the relationship between the state and the country’s business community. A close examination of the process confirms widely-held perceptions of the Rawlings government and its reform process as highly state-driven and subject to the personal idiosyncrasies of the country’s president. By contrast, Kufuor’s New Patriotic Party (NPP) demonstrated a less equivocal commitment to boosting the role of the private sector in the economy and employed a more routinely institutionalised set of interactions. While the outcome of these processes was sometimes counterintuitive, overall the privatization of AGC is likely to have shifted power out of the hands of the state and into the hands of an international set of shareholders.     

Learning from defeat: reform,revolution and the problem of organization in the first New Left

Within the contemporary anti-capitalist movement a debate concerning the most effective forms taken by political organizations has opened. However, few of the contributions to this debate include an adequate historical component: indeed, while many have labelled the anti-capitalist movement a new left, few draw any lessons from the first British New Left of 1956–62. This article addresses this lacuna through an analysis of the debate over the question of political organization as it was articulated within the first British New Left. It is argued that the New Left’s critique of Leninism was underpinned by the political reformism that many of its leading members inherited from the Communist Party, and suggested that this left-reformist strategy informed its collapse in the early sixties. It concludes that contemporary radicals should learn the dangers associated with both a too close relationship to the Labour Party, and from the New Left’s failure to begin the process of building a political organization that could have begun to act as an alternative to Labour.     

从国民党“结构崩解”检视南台湾县市政府的两岸交流政策

2012年“大选”之后，国民党在南台湾的选举动员逐步进入一个“结构崩解”的阶段，影响所及，国民党不仅在南台湾各类选举中难以取胜，也因为其所掌握的社会支持网络更趋于弱化，国民党在南台湾绿营执政县市作为一个在野政党的监督力量也随之弱化。因之，即便在多数南台湾各县市议会中，国民党仍掌握较多正副议长席次，但由国民党掌握的县市议会，却对民进党县市政府的消极的两岸交流政策难有影响。检视国民党在南台湾“结构崩解”的情况、影响及民进党县市政府和县市首长的两岸交流政策，并研判其发展趋势，无疑对深入了解南台湾政治社会状况具有十分重要的意义。     

Japan’s Politics and Diplomacy after DPJ Took Power

Great changes occurred to the Japanese power structure as DPJ had taken power. The new government in Japan is now headed by DPJ and its alliance–Social Democratic Party and People's New Party, substituting for LDP-Komeito coalition government, an alternation of two conservative parties, though not in a strict sense of the two-party alternation. The election intensified the conservative politics in general, though different from the hawk conservative force in the post-cold war period. The Japanese political ...     

民主党执政后的日本政治与外交

日本民主党执政后,日本政治权力结构发生重大变化,自民党和民主党朝野换位。民主党与社民党、国民新党联合组阁,取代了由自民党和公明党组成的联合政府,出现以两大保守政党为主体的政权更迭,但还不是严格意义上的两大政党轮替。大选总体上强化了日本政坛总体保守化的格局,但与冷战后自民党内鹰派保守势力得势不同,这次是具有自由派倾向的民主党温和保守势力占据上风。日本政治思潮出现"脱右倾化"趋势,这对日本改善同亚洲邻国的关系有利。鸠山首相对内主张建立"友爱社会",在外交方面也要发扬"友爱"精神,在巩固日美关系的同时,加强同亚洲关系,推行"美亚并重"的政策。     

中国共产党对外交往的百年演进与当代发展 ——基于民族复兴视角的分析

在百年发展历程中,中国共产党始终将实现中华民族的伟大复兴作为处理中国与外部世界关系的根本指南。追求民族复兴是一个长期、宏大的历史进程,它使中国走上了一条不同于其他大国崛起的道路,这也是中国共产党长期执政的必然要求与历史使命。从实现目标及其顺序来看,民族复兴包括安全保障、富强发展、文明重构三个层次。在改革开放之前,中国共产党人的主要目标是在二战、冷战等严峻的国际安全环境下,实现保障国家安全这一目标。在改革开放之后,中国共产党领导下的中国外交主要服务于经济建设这一中心,走出了从“谋富”到“求强”的复兴之路。自党的十八大以来,中国开始更多地强调有中国特色的发展道路和发展模式及其对世界的可能贡献,文明复兴的趋势也越来越明显。当前,在习近平外交思想的指引下,中国共产党提出并推动构建人类命运共同体这一目标,将民族复兴事业推向一个新的高度,并为最终实现这一目标奠定了坚实基础。     

“Our Backs Are Against the Wall”: The Black Liberation Army and Domestic Terrorism in 1970s America

This article addresses the gap in the literature on U.S. domestic terrorism and counterterrorism in the 1970s by examining a once-notorious but now largely forgotten terrorist group, the Black Liberation Army (BLA). An outgrowth of the Black Panther Party, the BLA was directly responsible for at least 20 fatalities, making it amongst the most lethal “homegrown” U.S. groups of the period. This article seeks to shed new light on the BLA by exploring its relatively short but violent trajectory. By focusing on the group's origins, operations, ideology, and structure, the BLA can be understood as part of a wider landscape of homegrown political violence. The BLA emerged during the waning phase of a protest cycle that included the civil rights, Black Power, and anti-war movements. Like other terrorist groups before and after, the BLA claimed to be acting in self-defense and on behalf of the people, presenting itself as an army resisting police occupation of minority communities. With the collapse of the extreme Left in the mid-1970s, the BLA's prospects for creating a broader revolutionary base became remote. The article also examines law-enforcement responses to the BLA and the competing ways in which the Federal Bureau of Investigation and local police (and in particular, the New York Police Department) framed and countered the BLA threat.     

The Russian Constitutional Court and the Communist Party case: Watershed or whitewash?

Constitutional Courts stand at the interface between law and politics, as the newly formed Russian Constitutional Court exemplified during Russia's time of troubles between 1991 and 1993. One Constitutional Court case from that period had particular significance. The Russian court considered the constitutionality of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the Russian Communist Party (CP RSFSR). The seven month long hearing tested the court's stamina and resolve. Described before it began as ‘Russia's Nuremberg’, was the Communist Party case a turning point in Russia's relationship with her past, or was it a staged showpiece with no real impact? This paper explores the Russian Constitutional Court's longest case and its effects.     

The Slovak Greens: A complex story of a small party

This article is a case study of the Green Party in Slovakia. The line of explanation of the party's trajectory is chronological, from foundation to its present marginal status. The two main causes of repeated internal party splits identified by the article are the influence of nationalism and the party's relationship to the most important formation in Slovak politics during the 1990s, Vladimír Me?iar's Movement for a Democratic Slovakia. It, furthermore, points to the barrier of a relatively high clause in the electoral system to national parliament which determined the Greens' tendency to enter wider coalition partnerships. These partnerships, however, had a negative impact on the long-term perspective on the distinctiveness of the Greens from the point of view of voters. Other important factors in the party's lack of political success have been their isolation from the environmental movement and the public's low level of interest in ecological and other post-material issues.