2011年日本南海政策回顾

日本是对南海问题影响较大的区域外大国,南海问题的发展趋势与日本的介入紧密相关.为了攫取地缘利益,2011年日本积极展开穿梭外交,插手南沙争端,想方设法拉拢有关争端国家与中国对抗.其目的是使南海问题久拖不决,在限制中国的同时扩大日本在东南亚的影响力.但是受中日、中国与东盟关系的影响,日本在介入南海争端之时也不会轻易开罪中国.     

日本对华官方发展援助的定位与评价

以日元贷款为主体的日本对华官方发展援助是20世纪70年代末以来中日关系中的一个重要组成部分.20多年来的实践表明,日本对华官方发展援助不仅在中日两国经贸关系中发挥着助推器作用,而且也成为双方加深互信与理解的有效渠道.然而冷战结束后,日本官方发展援助中的非经济因素影响和制约了日本对华官方发展援助的顺利实施.日本在对华官方发展援助问题上突出强调政治效果以及两国就对华官方发展援助问题的不同认识,削弱了日本对华官方发展援助中的积极因素.     

古代中日对象观比较

中日两国在两千多年的交流过程中,形成了剪不断、理不清的关系与认识。回顾中日两国的交往,中国建立华夷秩序,日本被纳入华夷秩序。在华夷秩序下,两国认识上的错位非常明显,究其原因正是华夷秩序对两国彼此认识的影响,使两国看不到彼此的＂真相＂,两国间的冲突也自然不可避免。梳理古代两国认识上的错位,对于近代中日激烈矛盾冲突可以有一个更好的理解。     

一战后日本亚太战略的中国因素分析——以日本《帝国国防方针》的修改为线索

日本乘一战之机,在以中国大陆为中心的南、北两个方向上,初步实施了其对亚太地区的扩张战略。但一战后的华盛顿体制全面否认了日本的在华“优势地位”和“特殊利益”,并对以后日本的扩张施以种种限制。为摆脱国际压力,日本于1923年对《帝国国防方针》进行了第二次修改,明确提出了将美国作为其军备的目标,同时,也要保持对中国的威慑。但实际上,中国始终是日本所认定的首要攻击目标。即使是对美俄作战,也必须要先征服中国,以获得战争的资源和作战基地。提高战争能力。为此,1926年,日本制定了更为具体的对华作战计划。     

日本寿险业发展驱动因素分析及对中国的启示

作为全球第二大寿险市场,日本寿险业在一百多年的发展过程中,积累了应对经济周期波动、寿险需求变化、监管改革等方面的宝贵经验,环境因素的变化也推动了日本寿险业在发展模式、竞争战略、销售渠道、产而开发等方面发生了多次深刻的变革。本文将主要分析上世纪90年代以后驱动日本寿险业发展的各项推动因素,并对中国寿险业的发展战略和经营策略提出参考性建议。     

日本外交的“钟摆”现象

日本民主党上台执政以来,在对美、对华政策上发生了一些明显变化,概括起来说,这些变化其实都是小泉下台以后的历任内阁对日本外交战略调整的继续。关于小泉以后至管内阁以前日本外交战略调整的过程,具体可以分3个阶段来考察：第1阶段是安倍、麻生的价值观外交所体现的“疏美防华”倾向;第2阶段是以“新福田主义”为特点的“亲美返亚”倾向;第3阶段是以鸠山的“友爱外交”为中心内容所表现出的“脱美入亚”倾向。其中,安倍的“疏美防华”仍然未消除冷战思维的阴影;鸠山的“脱关入亚”略带理想主义色彩;只有福田的“亲美入亚”具有现实性,预示着日本21世纪对美、对华外交战略的发展方向,也是菅内阁外交政策的方向标。     

冷战后日本对华政策的变化与中国的对策

冷战后日本在追求成为一个“正常国家”的过程中 ,采取了与冷战前追求日中友好所不同的政策。虽然尚无证据认为日本在追求与中国建立一个不友好甚至是对抗的关系 ,但中国在对日政策的问题上仍应争取主动即修正 1 972年以来一直坚持的“友好”、“合作”等传统上的习惯标准 ,而应以中国自身的利益为中心处理中日两国关系。在这一视角下 ,日本的对华政策是否能回到冷战前的友好姿态并不是最重要的因素。     

日本电视剧通过互联网在中国大陆传播现状

互联网已成为日本电视剧在中国大陆传播的新平台,但对该平台的研究却与其受关注程度不对等。日本电视剧通过互联网在中国大陆传播的主体是将日本电视剧上传至互联网的字幕组及个人,客体是通过互联网在中国大陆传播的所有日本电视剧,受众以日语学习者、偶像剧迷、年轻白领为主。日本电视剧通过互联网在中国大陆的传播具有先行快速便捷、客体数量庞大却制作不够精良、受众范围小、影响力大等特点,在中国的影响遍及语言、服饰、饮食、旅游等社会生活的方方面面,也面临着版权保护难度高、跨文化传播等问题。     

The politics of Japan's free trade agreement

For a long time, the Japanese government showed awkward and indecisive attitudes towards trade policy. There was strong opposition from the two political actors — bureaucrats at the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) and politicians in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) — to market opening in the agricultural sector. This article highlights private interests and the public interest of MAFF bureaucrats and LDP politicians and examines how the evolving perception of the interests has influenced debates and the progress of free trade agreement (FTA) policy over agriculture. The central argument is that economic linkages and institutional cooperation in East Asia have changed basic interests of MAFF bureaucrats and LDP politicians, and such changes, then, have induced new moves in Japan's FTA policy towards countries of the region.     

日本观光立国战略的新内容及其新特点

鸠山内阁成立之后,在其施政纲领《新成长战略基本方针》中,提出了2010年-2020年的旅游发展战略目标,即2020年前争取谤日外国游客达到2500万人次,广义旅游消费总额10万亿日元,增加就业人数56万人。2010年5月17日,国土交通省成长战略会议根据《新成长战略基本方针》的要求,制定了《旅游发展战略计划》,决定实施“三大战略、七大战术”继续推进观光立国的发展。由此,日本观光立国战略具有了新内容和新特点。     

The continuing evolution of Japan's business model

We need to recognize the abiding strengths of the Japanese business model and adapt them to a changing world, says Yoshinori Usui, Director of International Affairs at the Institute for International Economic Studies in Tokyo. In this article, Usui points out that rekindling economic expansion in Japan is indispensable to economic recovery in Southeast Asia and to the lasting growth of the global economy. He discusses the merits of the Japanese business model and argues that its basic elements remain entirely sound and effective. Japan's lack of competitiveness in non‐manufacturing sectors, he says, is more due to excessive regulation than to any failings of its business model. Usui speaks in optimistic terms about the potential for combining the best elements of the traditional Japanese model with the worthy elements of the Anglo‐Saxon model.     

Japan's Environmental Cooperation with China During the Last Two Decades

Up until now, Japan's environmental cooperation with China has principally been in response to requests by the Chinese government, with Japan making major contributions in the areas of environmental policy, human resource development, and environmental management systems, and the construction of physical infrastructure. Unlike some other Western donors, Japan is heavily engaged in resolving various environmental problems throughout the whole of China, and these contributions will continue to play a powerful role in improving China's environment for many years to come. Moreover, Japan has also made a major contribution to the raising of environmental awareness among the general public throughout China, and has been instrumental in empowering Chinese environmental citizen's groups. Specifically, Japan has been providing the Chinese government with yen loans and technical cooperation, and has supplied it with many new concepts and mechanisms in the areas of environmental policy, management systems and physical infrastructure, as well. Japan has also provided a foundation for the development of China's environmental industry by means of technology transfer and human resources development. By supplying grant aid to different parts of China, Japan has played a pioneering role in the field of environmental protection in China, enabling the expansion of training and educational facilities and programs to which the Chinese government failed, due to putting a premium on a high economic growth, to allocate sufficient budget despite its awareness of the gravity of the problems that it faces. NGO environmental cooperation programs that use Japanese government grassroots and NGO grant aid and assistance of the Japan Fund for Global Environment have been highly significant factors in the resolution at the regional level of the serious environmental problems that have arisen throughout China. The role that these have played in intensifying exchanges and friendly relations at the grassroots level between Japan and the Chinese people has been highly commendable. In particular, environmental cooperation programs with China through the ten-year-old Sino-Japan Friendship Centre for Environmental Protection (SJC) have not been confined solely to solving China's environmental problems, and have accordingly helped to build a foundation for environmental cooperation with China's various neighbors and thus helped to enhance China's standing internationally.     

The ending of Japan's ODA loan programme to China—All's well that ends well?

Official Development Assistance has been the most important instrument of Japan's foreign policy towards China since 1979 and has been useful in softening many difficulties in the bilateral relationship. Most of Japan's ODA to China consists of yen loans. Usually the Japanese government adheres to certain economic indicators set by the international banking institutions in order to phase out ODA programmes. However, in 2005 the Japanese government decided abruptly without applying the usual guidelines to end its loan aid to China by 2008, the year China will stage the Olympic Games. The article concludes that the decision was taken for political reasons, taking into consideration the criticism of certain Chinese policies, the deterioration of Japan's relations with China, the fast economic development of China with its implications for Japan's interests, and a general aid fatigue of public opinion against the backdrop of Japan's economic and budgetary problems. The process leading to this decision throws an additional light on all the complexities of the bilateral relationship, including the historical legacy.     

二战前日本的现代化与法西斯化

二战前的日本经过明治维新后之所以迅速走上对外扩张之路并法西斯化,从现代化的角度来看其原因包括：以农业和农村发展滞后为特点的日本经济现代化的不平衡,以依托天皇封建传统为特点的日本文化思想现代化的胎变,以军人干政为特点的日本政治现代化的畸形,以纵向关系为本质、横向关系为表象的国际体系判断与选择。因而,具备现代化外壳但其现代化又严重畸变的日本,全面冲击并试图构建东亚区域秩序后终归失败。     

离岸平衡理论视角下的日本对华制衡战略及其困境

离岸平衡手通常凭借其特殊的地缘位置,通过推卸责任、构筑均势等策略对大陆的潜在霸权进行制衡,维持大陆均势,保证和扩大自身的权力。随着中国的崛起,日本在安全上对中国遏制意识空前增强,并积极采取行动,形成对华制衡战略。在目前的亚太格局中,日本对华制衡所采取的行动符合离岸平衡手的一般模式,即在美日同盟的框架之下寻求推卸责任;借印度、东盟国家等在地缘上制衡中国,以从中寻求自身安全和权力增长;联合亚太众多国家和地区构筑包围中国的均势同盟。但日本的制衡战略也面临诸多困境,其制衡中国的目标并不能实现。中国应在准确把握其战略本质、充分认识其战略困境的基础上积极应对。     

Competitive Cooperation for Regional Development: Japan's New Strategy towards Rising China

This article questions why Japan has taken a neutral position in the Sino‐American trade tensions in 2018, despite its political rivalry with Beijing. It claims that the Japanese strategy towards China between 2012 and 2018 has moved from confrontational competition to competitive cooperation over third‐country markets; this is because of their shared beliefs and methodology regarding regional development. The paper undertakes three major tasks. Firstly, it compares Chinese and Japanese academic discussions regarding East Asia. It finds that experts on both sides admit the significant implications of the politico‐economic divide in the regional system. However, the realistic Chinese tend to consider the divide as a problem to be solved through power, whereas the more liberal Japanese expect it to provide a coordinating function for the regional order as a whole. Secondly, the article reviews the shifts in the Japanese government's behaviours toward China in recent years. It argues that Japan has moved for collaboration with China to maintain the liberal rule‐based order in the region. Finally, founded on the estimate of China's economic leverage over its neighbours, the paper claims that Japan will expand its responsibility in order formation in East Asia in future, becoming more independent from American influences.     

Kamikazefication and Japan's wartime ideology

Abstract

A number of recent works have focused on the personal experiences of kamikaze pilots, but very little has been published in English on the Japanese government's effort to “kamikazefy” the civilian population in the final year of the Asian PacificWar (1937-45). To illustrate this effort, this article employs images taken from the author's personal collection of over 2,500 Japanese wartime publications (predominantly periodicals). In early 1945, the Japanese government announced a “fight to the death for the home islands,” in which civilian “home-front warriors” would fight alongside troops in the event of an Allied invasion. Civilian combatants were expected to follow the “no surrender” policy hammered into Japanese servicemen and to emulate the kamikaze pilots' spirit of supreme sacrifice. The article begins with a brief discussion of the ideology behind kamikazefication, inviting comparisons with suicide missions in other times and places. Historical context is further established by an overview of media accounts of Japanese suicide missions in the Asian PacificWar, beginning with the mission carried out at Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941. An analysis of media reportage shows how members of suicide missions were glorified and made into role models for all Japanese, even women and children. Servicemen who died for their country were enshrined at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo. The article concludes by suggesting reasons why civilians, even those who died fighting in the war, have not been similarly honored.     

认识大国:中国与日本在东南亚的软实力比较研究

软实力大小是由受力国的认识和回应决定的。对外政策、国家治理和文化是衡量一国软实力的三个指标。对外政策具有明显的外向性,能够直接地影响受力国的认识和反应,国家治理和文化则是内源性的,在一定程度上,它们更能反映一国的吸引力。从受力国的角度看,国家治理的软实力不是由占优的要素决定的,相反是由最弱的要素决定的。在东南亚国家看来,中国的文化软实力相比于日本具有明显的优势,但是国家治理和对外政策软实力则稍显不足。中日两国的软实力外交具有各自的优势,在实践中可以相互学习借鉴。     

日本财政预算理念的演变、政策实践及启示

日本庞大的政府债务问题一直是学界关注的热点。从日本财政预算理念的视角,对这一问题进行分析,有利于深层次理解日本财政困境的成因。日本作为世界重要经济体,经历了战后迅速崛起到经济高速发展再到经济低迷的发展道路,与之相对应,其财政预算理念总体经过平衡预算理念、周期性预算平衡、新自由主义财政理念、重拾凯恩斯主义财政理念等四个阶段。日本财政预算理念与财政政策实践过程中的经验与教训,对中国财政政策的制定和经济发展具有一定的借鉴意义。